11 Self-Discipline
第十一章 自我修养
THE SELF-DISCIPLINES of one culture are always likely to seem irrelevancies to observers from another country. The disciplinary techniques themselves are clear enough, but why go to all the trouble? Why voluntarily hang yourself from hooks, or concentrate on your navel, or never spend your capital? Why concentrate on one of these austerities and demand no control at all over some impulses which to the outsider are truly important and in need of training? When the observer belongs to a country which does not teach technical methods of self-discipline and is set down in the midst of a people who place great reliance upon them, the possibility of misunderstanding is at its height.
某一种文化中的自我修养，常被从其他国家来的观察者视为无意义。修养的方法本身并不难理解，然而，为什么人们必须付出那么大的辛苦呢？为什么要把自己挂在钩子上？为什么要闭守丹田？为什么要舍弃钱财？为什么人们要用这些方法中的一种去修身养性，而对那些在他人看来事关重大，必须对之严加约束的冲动置之不理？当一个从来不重视自我修养的国度的观察者，来到对这些方法非常信赖的国民中间时，简直随时随地都会产生误解。
In the United States technical and traditional methods of self-discipline are relatively undeveloped. The American assumption is that a man, having sized up what is possible in his personal life, will discipline himself, if that is necessary, to attain a chosen goal. Whether he does or not, depends on his ambition, or his conscience, or his ‘instinct of workmanship,' as Veblen called it. He may accept a Stoic regime in order to play on a football team, or give up all relaxations to train himself as a musician, or to make a success of his business. He may eschew evil and frivolity because of his conscience. But in the United States self-discipline itself, as a technical training, is not a thing to learn like arithmetic quite apart from its application in a particular instance. Such techniques, when they do occur in the United States, are taught by certain European cult-leaders or by Swamis who teach inventions made in India. Even the religious self-disciplines of meditation and prayer, as they were taught and practiced by Saint Theresa or Saint John of the Cross, have barely survived in the United States.
依照特别的、传统的方法进行自我修养，在美国尚处于不发达阶段。就某一个美国人来说，如果他为未来的事业已经规划好了蓝图，为了实现这个既定的目标，他在必要的情况下可能会约束自己。他约束或者不约束都取决于他的意愿、他的信念，或者如凡勃伦托尔斯坦·凡勃伦（Thorstein Veblen，1857~1929年），美国著名的经济学家。所说，取决于他的“职业本能”如何。他为了参加足球队，可能要遵循斯多噶式的生活规律；为了把自己训练成音乐家或是能在事业上有所建树，必须放弃各种娱乐消遣；他为了信仰的关系，可能要避恶扬善或不敢胡作非为。但是美国人所谓的修养，如果能当做一种专门训练的话，也决非像教授算术那样指望在某个场合能具体地应用。如果说在美国存在修养的方法的话，那么这些方法不是由某个欧洲教派的教长传入，就是由那些位宗教学者从印度学习来的。连基督教中圣德肋撒和圣十字诺望修会所教授和实行的冥想和默祷这些修炼方法，在美国都很难实行开来。
The Japanese assumption, however, is that a boy taking his middle-school examinations, or a man playing in a fencing match, or a person merely living the life of an aristocrat, needs a self-training quite apart from learning the specific things that will be required of him when he is tested. No matter what facts he has crammed for his examination, no matter how expert his sword thrusts, no matter how meticulous his punctilio, he needs to lay aside his books and his sword and his public appearances and undergo a special kind of training. Not all Japanese submit to esoteric training, of course, but, even for those who do not, the phraseology and the practice of self-discipline have a recognized place in life. Japanese of all classes judge themselves and others in terms of a whole set of concepts which depend upon their notion of generalized technical self-control and self-governance.
而日本人却坚信，不论是要参加考试的中学生，还是参加击剑比赛者，或是只是过着贵族式生活的人；在他们接受考验时，除了进行各自科目的特殊学习外，还需要进行自我修养。不管他为考试如何努力学习，不管他的剑术多么高明，也不管他对礼仪多么一丝不苟，他都不得不把书本和竹剑放在一旁，暂时中止社交活动，而从事特殊的修行。当然并不是所有的日本人都从事这种神秘训练，然而即便是不这样做的人，也承认自我修养在语言上和行动中都占据一个重要的位置。任何阶级的日本人在评价自己或他人的行为时，总是根据与他们特殊的自制和克己方法相关的观念所形成的一套概念去判断事物。
Their concepts of self-discipline can be schematically divided into those which give competence and those which give something more. This something more I shall call expertness. The two are divided in Japan and aim at accomplishing a different result in the human psyche and have a different rationale and are recognized by different signs. Many instances of the first type, self-disdplinary competence, have already been described. The Army officer who said of his men who had been engaged in peacetime maneuvers for sixty hours with only ten-minute opportunities for sleep, that ‘they know how to sleep; they need training in how to stay awake,' was, in spite of what seem to us extreme demands, aiming only at competent behavior. He was stating a well-accepted principle of Japanese psychic economy that the will should be supreme over the almost infinitely teachable body and that the body itself does not have laws of well-being which a man ignores at his own cost. The whole Japanese theory of ‘human feelings' rests on this assumption. When it is a matter of the really serious affairs of life, the demands of the body, no matter how essential to health, no matter how approved and cultivated as things apart, should be drastically subordinated. No matter at what price of self-discipline, a man should manifest the Japanese Spirit.
他们的自我修养的概念大致分为培养能力和不仅培养能力，并且要求更高两个方向。对于后者，我把它称为“精通”。这两类在日本是清楚地区分开来的，它们以在人们心灵中产生不同结果为目的，具有不同的根据，通过不同的标志来识别。第一类所包括的许多自我修养能力的步骤，在前面已经提及。如那位让部下进行六小时的军事训练后只给十分钟睡觉时间的军官所说的，“他们已经知道怎么睡觉，现在他们需要学会怎么熬夜”，这就是能力训练，而在我们看来睡觉则是自然的需要。第十一章自我修养他所表达的正是日本人所普遍接受的精神控制法，即认为意志高于体力，而体力又是无限可训练的；身体的享乐本身并不是天经地义的，人们经过努力就能克服它。日本人的一整套“人情观”都是建立在这一基础之上的。由于修养关系到人生中的头等大事，所以无论身体的需要对健康多么重要，也不论做法多么超出常规和文明的标准，都必须让位于修养。人们无论要为修炼付出多大的代价，都必须发扬“日本精神”。
It does violence, however, to Japanese assumptions to phrase their position in this way. For ‘at the price of whatever self-discipline' means in ordinary American usage almost the same thing as ‘at the price of whatever self-sacrifice.' Often too it means ‘at the price of whatever personal frustration.' The American theory of discipline—whether imposed from the outside or introjected as a censoring conscience—is that from childhood men and women have to be socialized by discipline, either freely accepted or imposed by authority. This is a frustration. The individual resents this curtailment of his wishes. He has to sacrifice, and inevitable aggressive emotions are awakened within him. This view is not only that of many professional psychologists in America. It is also the philosophy within which each generation is brought up by parents in the home, and the psychologists' analysis has therefore a great deal of truth in our own society. A child ‘has to' be put to bed at a certain hour, and he learns from his parents' attitude that going to bed is a frustration. In countless homes he shows his resentment in a nightly battle royal. He is already a young indoctrinated American who regards sleeping as something a person ‘has to' do and he kicks against the pricks. His mother rules, too, that there are certain things he ‘has to' eat. It may be oatmeal or spinach or bread or orange juice, but the American child learns to raise a protest against foods he ‘has to' eat. Food that is ‘good for' him he concludes is not food that tastes good. This is an American convention that is foreign in Japan, as it is also in some Western nations like Greece. In the United States, becoming adult means emancipation from food frustrations. A grown-up person can eat the food that tastes good instead of the food that is good for him.
但是，这样来表现日本人的见解，恐怕会发生误解。因为“为自己训练不惜付出任何代价”这句话，在美国人看来几乎等于“为了自我牺牲不惜付出任何代价”，也就差不多是在说“为自我压抑不惜付出任何代价”。美国观念中的“训练”，不管是外部强加的还是自我头脑中反省出来的念头，都是从小就不得不接受的或靠权威强制进行的社会化的东西。这种训练是一种压抑，每个人都不满这种对意愿的横加限制。他必须为此做出某种牺牲，使人所固有的反抗性受到削弱。这一看法并不仅是许多美国的心理学家们所独有的，也是所有家庭中父母教育后代时的普通原则，正因为如此，心理学者的分析在我们社会里往往掌握真理。在某固定时间到来时“必须睡觉”，这使孩子从父母的做法上感到上床是一种压抑，所以在无数家庭中，孩子总是用每夜大哭大闹的方法表达不满。在这种情况下他实际上已经是一个接受训练的年轻美国人，他已经把睡觉看成为“非做不可”的事，再闹也不过是螳臂当车。此外，母亲还为他规定了许多“非吃不可”的食品，像麦片粥、菠菜、面包、橘子汁等。美国的孩子对他“非吃不可”的食物产生逆反心理，所以孩子们都知道，“对身体有好处”的食品一定不好吃。这种美国习惯不光对日本人来说很陌生，对希腊等一些西方国家也是陌生的。因此长大成人在美国也意味着从食物的压抑中解放出来；一到成年，就可以吃好吃的东西了，不必那么用心考虑哪些食物对身体有好处。
These ideas about sleep and food, however, are small in comparison with the whole Occidental concept of self-sacrifice. It is standard Western doctrine that parents make great sacrifices for their children, wives sacrifice their careers for their husbands, husbands sacrifice their freedom to become breadwinners. It is hard for Americans to conceive that in some societies men and women do not recognize the necessity of self-sacrifice. It is nevertheless true. In such societies people say that parents naturally find their children delightful, that women prefer marriage to any other course, and that a man earning his family's support is pursuing his favorite occupation as a hunter or a gardener. Why talk of self-sacrifice? When society stresses these interpretations and allows people to live according to them, the notion of self-sacrifice may hardly be recognized.
当然，吃饭睡觉等事在西方人的整个自我牺牲观念中只占很小比重。按照西方的标准信条，父亲应该为孩子做出巨大的牺牲；妻子应该为丈夫放弃自己的事业；丈夫则应该为维持一家生计牺牲自己的自由。美国人很难设想不承认自我牺牲必要性的社会存在，然而，实际上这样的社会是存在的；并且在这样的社会里，人们认为，父母爱怜孩子是人之常情，女人盼望进入婚姻生活胜过其他选择，主持一家生计，做自己所喜欢的事情，可以打猎，可以种花等，所以还提什么自我牺牲呢？当一个社会强调这样的观点并以此指导个人生活时，自我牺牲的观念就几乎不存在了。
In other cultures all those things a person does for other people at such ‘sacrifice' in the United States are considered as reciprocal exchanges. They are either investments which will later be repaid or they are returns for value already received. In such countries even the relations between father and son may be treated in this way, and what the father does for the son during the boy's early life, the son will do for the father during the old man's later life and after his death. Every business relation too is a folk contract, which, while it often ensures equivalence in kind, just as commonly binds one party to protect and the other to serve. If the benefits on both sides are regarded as advantages, neither party regards his duties as a sacrifice.
在另一种文化中，所有与美国的这些“牺牲”相类似的为他人做的事都被视为交换关系，看成某种日后能有收益的投资，或者是对从前得到的收益的报答。在这样的国家里，甚至父子关系都可以如此处理，父亲在儿子的幼年所做的，儿子在父亲的暮年要做同等报答。各种业务关系也都是民间的契约，这些契约首先要确保等价进行，往往当事人一方履行保护性措施，另一方履行偿还性义务。如果双方都从这场交易中得益的话，任何一方都不会把自己履行的义务视为做出了牺牲。
The sanction behind services to others in Japan is of course reciprocity, both in kind and in hierarchal exchange of complementary responsibilities. The moral position of self-sacrifice is therefore very different from that in the United States. The Japanese have always objected specifically to the teachings of Christian missionaries about sacrifice. They argue that a good man should not think of what he does for others as frustrating to himself. ‘When we do the things you call self-sacrifice,' a Japanese said to me, ‘it is because we wish to give or because it is good to give. We are not sony for ourselves. No matter how many things we actually give up for others, we do not think that this giving elevates us spiritually or that we should be “rewarded” for it.' A people who have organized their lives around such elaborate reciprocal obligations as the Japanese naturally find self-sacrifice irrelevant. They push themselves to the limit to fulfil extreme obligations, but the traditional sanction of reciprocity prevents them from feeling the self-pity and self-righteousness that arises so easily in more individualistic and competitive countries.
在日本，为别人做事背后的强制力当然是相互义务，这种相互义务要求对别人给予的东西要等量偿还，同时要求同阶层的人要相互尽责。因此，自我牺牲在首要观念中所占的地位也与美国的差别很大。日本人总是竭力反对基督教传教士所宣扬的关于牺牲的教义。他们争辩，一个君子不应该觉得他为别人做好事，是压制自己的愿望。有一个日本人曾这样对我说：“我们要做你们称为自我牺牲那类的事的话，是因为我们愿意那样做，或者因为那样做是正当的，所以我们不感到后悔。无论在实际上我们帮了别人多少，我们都不觉得在精神上抬高了自己，也不一定要得到‘报答’。”像日本人那样以互相之间所承担的义务为生活轴心组织起来的民族，当然不会感到自己的行动是在做自我牺牲。他们为了完成极其艰巨的义务竭尽全力，但传统的相互义务的约束力却防止他们意识到在以个人主义和自由竞争为基调的国家很容易产生的那些自我怜悯和独善其身之类的感情。
Americans, in order to understand ordinary self-disciplinary practices in Japan, therefore, have to do a kind of surgical operation on our idea of ‘self-discipline.' We have to cut away the accretions of ‘self-sacrifice' and ‘frustration' that have clustered around the concept in our culture. In Japan one disciplines oneself to be a good player, and the Japanese attitude is that one undergoes the training with no more consciousness of sacrifice than a man who plays bridge. Of course the training is strict, but that is inherent in the nature of things. The young child is born happy but without the capacity to ‘savor life.' Only through mental training (or self-discipline; shuyo) can a man or woman gain the power to live fully and to ‘get the taste' of life. The phrase is usually translated ‘only so can he enjoy life.' self-discipline ‘builds up the belly (the seat of control)'; it enlarges life.
由此可见，美国人为了理解日本人日常自我修养的习惯，必须首先对自己的“自我修养”观念做一个外科手术。我们必须割除掉从我们的文化观念周围衍生出来的“自我牺牲”和“压抑感”等衍生物。按照日本式的态度，一个日本人要把自己锻炼成一名优秀运动员在观念上所受的修炼、所作的牺牲与打桥牌的人付出的差不多。修炼本身当然是十分艰苦的，但是那是事物性质所决定的。年幼的孩子生来虽然幸福，却还未具备品尝“生活的趣味”的能力；只有经受过精神上的修炼（或自我修炼、修养）的人，才充分地掌握生活的本领，才能品尝到生活的“滋味”。这套说法一般表述为“欲享人生，必经此路”。自我修养能“锻炼度量”，充实人生。
‘Competent' self-discipline in Japan has this rationale that it improves a man's conduct of his own life. Any impatience he may feel while he is new in the training will pass, they say, for eventually he will enjoy it—or give it up. An apprentice tends properly to his business, a boy learns judo (jujitsu), a young wife adjusts to the demands of her mother-in-law; it is quite understood that in the first stages of training, the man or woman unused to the new requirements may wish to be free of this shuyo. Their fathers may talk to them and say, ‘What do you wish? Some training is necessary to savor life. If you give this up and do not train yourself at all, you will be unhappy as a natural consequence. And if these natural consequences should occur, I should not be inclined to protect you against public opinion.' Shuyo, in the phrase they use so often, polishes away ‘the rust of the body.' It makes a man a bright sharp sword, which is, of course, what he desires to be.
日本人在能力上的自我修养，其目的是为了改善一个人驾驭生活的能力。他们认为，最初修炼的人的不耐烦情绪是会消失的，因为修炼最终会成为乐事，或者最终会抛弃修炼。学徒是在生意上的最初发展阶段、少年在学习“柔道”（柔术）的时候、新过门的媳妇在适应婆婆的要求的过程中，因为他们处在接受修炼的最初阶段，自然而然地会感到不适应新的需要而想逃避修炼。他们的父亲就会对他们开导说：“你到底图什么？必要的修炼正是为了将来过上好日子。你要是逃避，一点儿也不修炼，到头来倒霉的是你自己。你要是倒霉了，别人说闲话的时候可别指望我向着你。”他们在这种时候最常用到的话是，修养是为了清除“身上的锈”，它能把人磨成一柄锋利闪亮的剑，当然人们对它都求之不得了。
All this stress on how self-discipline leads to one's own advantage does not mean that the extreme acts the Japanese code often requires are not truly serious frustrations, and that such frustrations do not lead to aggressive impulses. This distinction is one which Americans understand in games and sports. The bridge champion does not complain of the self-sacrifice that has been required of him to learn to play well; he does not label as ‘frustrations' the hours he has had to put in in order to become an expert. Nevertheless, physicians say that in some cases the great attention necessary when a man is playing either for high stakes or for a championship, is not unrelated to stomach ulcers and excessive bodily tensions. The same thing happens to people in Japan. But the sanction of reciprocity, and the Japanese conviction that self-discipline is to one's own advantage, make many acts seem easy to them which seem insupportable to Americans. They pay much closer attention to behaving competently and they allow themselves fewer alibis than Americans. They do not so often project their dissatisfactions with life upon scapegoats, and they do not so often indulge in self-pity because they have somehow or other not got what Americans call average happiness. They have been trained to pay much closer attention to the ‘rust of the body' than is common among Americans.
所有这些关于自我修养如何符合自身利益的说教，并不能完全避免经常迫使人们采取极端行动的日本式道德观所带来的沉重压抑感；这种压抑可能有时引起人们攻击的冲动。而美国人总是在职业运动员参加的表演赛或比赛时才会感受到这一点。例如桥牌大师不会对为锻炼本领而付出的自我牺牲表示不满，也不会认为在他成为大师之前的那些练习时间感到“压抑”。但是医生们的确发现，当人们在参加那些奖金很高或者决定性比赛时，自然而然地使精力高度集中，胃溃疡及身体过分紧张症与之很有关系。这种现象也同样地发生在日本人身上。不过，由于相互义务观念的强制力，又由于确信自己修炼对自己有利，所以日本人把在美国人看来难以忍受的许多行为都看做是容易的事情。他很胜任地完成热心关注自己行为的任务，并尽量不像美国人那样爱找借口，尽量不把他们自己对生活的不满归咎于某个替罪羊，甚至于也不爱常常沉沦在自我责怪之中。这恐怕是由于他们没有美国人所谓的普通的幸福感，他们一直被修炼得只把精力放在“身上的锈”上，对此远比美国人更为注意。
Beyond and above ‘competent' self-discipline, there is also the plane of ‘expertness.' Japanese techniques of this latter sort have not been made very intelligible to Western readers by Japanese authors who have written about them, and Occidental scholars who have made a specialty of this subject have often been very cavalier about them. Sometimes they have called them ‘eccentricities.' One French scholar writes that they are all ‘in defiance of common sense,' and that the greatest of all disciplinary sects, the Zen cult, is ‘a tissue of solemn nonsense.' The purposes their techniques are intended to accomplish, however, are not impenetrable, and the whole subject throws a considerable light on Japanese psychic economy.
在自我修养的“能力”阶段以外，并且高于这个阶段，还有一种所谓“精通”的境界。关于这后一种修炼方法，日本本国作者的专门描述并没有使西方人茅塞顿开，而西方专门研究这一问题的学者们又往往采取骑士式的方式对待之。这些西方学者有的称这些状态为“怪癖的习惯”。一位法国学者在谈到它时认为全都是些“蔑视常理”的事，认为在所有讲术修炼的宗教派别中最登峰造极的禅宗是“一种神乎其神的异端邪说之源”。然而，日本人通过这些修炼所要达到的目的，决不是不可理解的。并且，深入探讨这个问题，对明白日本人的精神控制法会有不少帮助。
A long series of Japanese words name the state of mind the expert in self-discipline is supposed to achieve. Some of these terms are used for actors, some for religious devotees, some for fencers, some for public speakers, some for painters, some for masters of the tea ceremony. They all have the same general meaning, and I shall use only the word muga, which is the word used in the flourishing upper-class cult of Zen Buddhism. The description of this state of expertness is that it denotes those experiences, whether secular or religious, when ‘there is no break, not even the thickness of a hair' between a man's will and his act. A discharge of electricity passes directly from the positive to the negative pole. In people who have not attained expertness, there is, as it were, a non-conducting screen which stands between the will and the act. They call this the ‘observing self,' the ‘interfering self,' and when this has been removed by special kinds of training the expert loses all sense that ‘I am doing it.' The circuit runs free. The act is effortless. It is ‘one-pointed.' The deed completely reproduces the picture the actor had drawn of it in his mind.
日语中用来表达争取达到自我修养的精神境界的词有一大串，其中有的是关于演员的，有的是关于宗教献身的人，有的是指剑客的，有的是指演说家的，有的指画家，有的则用来形容茶道大师们。所有这些词都含有一种共同的意义，我倾向用“无我”来表示这种意义。这个词是在日本上流社会流行的禅家的一个术语。如果用在形容修炼状态时，它表示无论从世俗的还是宗教的意义上说，人的意志与行动之间都“无毫发之间隙”，如同电流那样从正极直导负极；面对那些没有修炼到家的人来说，在意志和行动之间好像竖立着一个绝缘层一样。日本人称这个绝缘层为“自观”或“自碍”，一旦通过专门的修炼使这个层消除，修炼者就完全摆脱了“我正在修行”的观念，电路畅通无阻了，行动就完全自如了。这便是所谓“一点”这是铃木大拙在Essays in Zen Buddhism中使用的词。据大拙先生的说法，这是梵语ekagra（出自《楞枷经》等）的译语，意为主客未分、必集中到一点的状态。通常译为“一缘”、“一心”。——译注，即这个行动点不过是对头脑中早已勾画好的蓝图再复制而已。
The most ordinary people seek this kind of ‘expertness' in Japan. Sir Charles Eliot, the great English authority on Buddhism, tells of a schoolgirl who applied
在日本，最普通的人也竭力追求这种“圆满”的状态。英国的佛教研究权威人士查尔斯·艾略特勋爵讲述过一个女学生的事：
to a well-known missionary in Tokyo and said that she wished to become a Christian. When questioned as to her reasons she replied that her great desire was to go up in an aeroplane. On being invited to explain the connection between aeroplanes and Christianity, she replied that she had been told that before she went up in an aeroplane she must have a very calm and well-regulated mind and that this kind of mind was only acquired by religious training. She thought that among the religions Christianity was probably the best and so she came to ask for teaching.*
她来到东京的一位有名的传教士处，表示愿意加入基督教。当被问到她的动机时她回答道，她的最大愿望是能坐上飞机。当让她解释一下飞机与基督教之间有何联系时，她说，她听人说如果要坐飞机，必须具有非常坚定和沉着的态度，而这种态度只有通过宗教修炼才能获得。她觉得基督教在各种宗教中最为杰出，所以她才申请做基督教徒。引自查尔斯·艾略特勋爵：《日本的佛教》，第286页。
The Japanese not only connect Christianity and airplanes; they connect training for ‘a calm and well-regulated mind' with an examination in pedagogy or with speech-making or with a statesman's career. Technical training for one-pointedness seems to them an unquestioned advantage in almost any undertaking.
日本人不仅能找到飞机与基督教之间的联系，而且能把培养“一种坚定、沉着的态度”同教育学中的考试、同演讲艺术或者同政治家的职业联系起来。对日本人来说，为了集中到“一点”状态而进行的实际修炼几乎对一切职业都有裨益。
Many civilizations have developed techniques of this kind, but the Japanese goals and methods have a marked character all their own. This is especially interesting because many of the techniques are derived from India where they are known as Yoga. Japanese techniques of self-hypnotism, concentration, and control of the senses still show kinship with Indian practices. There is similar emphasis on emptying the mind, on immobility of the body, on ten thousands of repetitions of the same phrase, on fixing the attention on a chosen symbol. Even the terminology used in India is still recognizable. Beyond these bare bones of the cult, however, the Japanese version has little in common with the Hindu.
这种修炼方法在许多文明中都得到了发展，然而日本人的目的和方法却有他们自己的显著特点。十分有意思的是，这些修行方法有许多是从印度的瑜伽演变而来的。日本的自我催眠、精力集中以及五官控制等方法至今仍然同印度的修行方法有同缘关系；并且都十分强调绝念、保持身体静态、无数次地重复念诵同一句经文以及强调把注意力集中在一个固定象征物上；甚至有些印度流行的术语也被直接接受下来。但如果撇开这些基本构架不谈，日本版的各宗派与印度教并没有多少共通之处。
Yoga in India is an extreme cult of asceticism. It is a way of obtaining release from the round of reincarnation. Man has no salvation except this release, nirvana, and the obstacle in his path is human desire. These desires can be eliminated by starving them out, by insulting them, and by courting self-torture. Through these means a man may reach sainthood and achieve spirituality and union with the divine. Yoga is a way of renouncing the world of the flesh and of escaping the treadmill of human futility. It is also a way of laying hold of spiritual powers. The journey toward one's goal is the faster the more extreme the asceticism.
印度的瑜伽派是一种极端禁欲主义的苦修教派。它是从轮回中解脱出来的一种方法，人们只有靠这种解脱即涅槃才能得到挽救。人类的欲望是设在这条道路上的障碍。要剔除欲望可以采用饥饿、自取其辱或者自我折磨等办法。通过这些方法，人便成为圣者，也就获得了与灵性、与神佛的合二为一。瑜伽修行是一种弃绝物质世界、脱离人间无尽苦难的方法。它还是使人掌握神秘能力的方法。苦行越极端，就能越迅速地达到目标。
Such philosophy is alien in Japan. Even though Japan is a great Buddhist nation, ideas of transmigration and of nirvana have never been a part of the Buddhist faith of the people. These doctrines are personally accepted by some Buddhist priests, but they have never affected folkways or popular thought. No animal or insect is spared in Japan because killing it would kill a transmigrated human soul, and Japanese funeral ceremonies and birth rituals are innocent of any notions of a round of reincarnations. Transmigration is not a Japanese pattern of thought. The idea of nirvana, too, not only means nothing to the general public but the priesthoods themselves modify it out of existence. Priestly scholars declare that a man who has been ‘enlightened' (satori) is already in nirvana; nirvana is here and now in the midst of time, and a man ‘sees nirvana' in a pine tree and a wild bird. The Japanese have always been uninterested in fantasies of a world of the hereafter. Their mythology tells of gods but not of the life of the dead. They have even rejected Buddhist ideas of differential rewards and punishments after death. Any man, the least farmer, becomes a Buddha when he dies; the very word for the family memorial tablets in the household shrine is ‘the Buddhas.' No other Buddhist country uses such language, and when a nation speaks so boldly of its ordinary dead, it is quite understandable that it does not picture any such difficult goal as attainment of nirvana. A man who becomes a Buddha anyway need not set himself to attain the goal of absolute surcease by lifelong mortification of the flesh.
这种哲学对日本来说是陌生的。尽管日本是一佛教大国，但是轮回和涅槃的思想从未成为该民族佛教信仰的一部分。虽然某些佛教僧侣个人接受了这些教条，但这些思想从未变成流行观念左右过民间的风俗习惯。日本人并不觉得杀牲灭虫是在扼杀一个正在轮回过程中的生灵。日本人的出生、安葬仪式也没有体现出轮回的观念。轮回论并不符合日本人的思维方法；同样的，涅槃说也根本未被普通老百姓所理解，僧侣们则把它改造得面目全非。颇有学问的僧侣宣称如果一个人“觉悟”了，那他就已经处在涅槃阶段了。涅槃无时无处不在，人甚至可以从一棵松树、一只野鸟上“看见涅槃”。日本人向来对来世缺乏想象和兴趣，他们的神话中讲述的神祇们都不包括死去后的生活。他们甚至从佛教中摒弃了因果报应观念。包括农民在内的身份很低的人死后都可以成佛，所以在供家族牌位的神龛里同样的千篇一律地写着“佛”的字眼。任何其他佛教国家都不曾这样使用过这个字眼。一个民族能如此大胆地对死去的平常百姓使用如此惊人的称呼，足以说明它根本不把达到涅槃描绘成什么难以获得的目标。总之，人的成佛并不需要他花费毕生的精力磨炼自己的肉体去追求。
Just as alien in Japan is the doctrine that the flesh and the spirit are irreconciliable. Yoga is a technique to eliminate desire, and desire has its seat in the flesh. But the Japanese do not have this dogma. ‘Human feelings' are not of the Evil One, and it is a part of wisdom to enjoy the pleasures of the senses. The one condition is that they be sacrificed to the serious duties of life. This tenet is carried to its logical extreme in the Japanese handling of the Yoga cult: not only are all self-tortures eliminated but the cult in Japan is not even one of asceticism. Even the ‘Enlightened' in their retreats, though they were called hermits, commonly established themselves in comfort with their wives and children in charming spots in the country. The companionship of their wives and even the birth of subsequent children were regarded as entirely compatible with their sanctity. In the most popular of all Buddhist sects priests marry anyway and raise families; Japan has never found it easy to accept the theory that the spirit and the flesh are incompatible. The saintliness of the ‘enlightened' consisted in their self-disciplinary meditations and in their simplification of life. It did not consist in wearing unclean clothing or shutting one's eyes to the beauties of nature or one's ears to the beauty of stringed instruments. Their saints might fill their days with the composition of elegant verses, the ritual of tea ceremony and ‘viewings' of the moon and the cherry blossoms. The Zen cult even directs its devotees to avoid ‘the three insufficiencies: insufficiency of clothing, of food, and of sleep.'
与此同时，日本也没有接受肉体与精神水火不相容的教义。瑜伽是去除欲望的一种方法，肉体正是欲望的归宿。然而日本人却不认为二者是互为矛盾的。“人情”（烦恼）不是“恶魔”，而且官能体验享乐是生活智慧的一部分，但是有一个先决条件，就是必须服从于人生的严肃义务。这一信条在日本的瑜伽宗中被发挥到了顶点，它摒弃了一切自我折磨，以致瑜伽在日本甚至根本不属于禁欲苦修主义数派中的一个。就连“悟道”的“隐士”，他们大多都成家，在国内某处风景迷人的地方与妻子一起过安乐的生活。娶妻生子与他们的“圣者”形象丝毫没有矛盾。最流行的佛教派别“净土真宗”的僧侣也多娶妻生子。日本一直没有采纳精神与肉体互相排斥的理论。自我修养地冥想与清茶淡饭度日构成了圣者求“悟”的组成部分，而不提倡衣着褴褛、对自然之美闭目不见、对鼓瑟之声充耳不闻。日本的圣者可以作风雅的诗赋，也可以欣赏茶道之乐或者观菊赏月。禅宗甚至号召其信徒克服“三缺：服饰之缺、食物之缺以及睡眠之缺”。
The final tenet of Yoga philosophy is also alien in Japan: that the techniques of mysticism which it teaches transport the practitioner to ecstatic union with the Universe. Wherever the techniques of mysticism have been practiced in the world, whether by primitive peoples or by Mohammedan dervishes or by Indian Yogis or by medieval Christians, those who practice them have almost universally agreed, whatever their creed, that they become ‘one with the divine,' that they experience ecstasy ‘not of this world.' The Japanese have the techniques of mysticism without the mysticism. This does not mean that they do not achieve trance. They do. But they regard even trance as a technique which trains a man in ‘one-pointedness.' They do not describe it as ecstasy. The Zen cult does not even say, as mystics in other countries do, that the five senses are in abeyance in trance; they say that the ‘six' senses are brought by this technique to a condition of extraordinary acuteness. The sixth sense is located in the mind, and training makes it. Supreme over the ordinary five, but taste, touch, sight, smell, and hearing are given their own special training during trance. It is one of the exercises of group Zen to perceive soundless footsteps and be able to follow them accurately as they pass from one place to another or to discriminate tempting odors of food—purposely introduced—without breaking trance. Smelling, seeing, hearing, touching, and tasting ‘help the sixth sense,' and one learns in this state to make ‘every sense alert.'
瑜伽说的最后的信条，即教授修炼者转入与宇宙合二为一的忘我入神境界的神秘主义信条，也未被日本人接受。不论是原始民族还是伊斯兰教教徒，也不论是印度瑜伽行者还是中世纪的基督教徒，不论世界上任何信仰的人，凡是按着神秘主义的方法修炼过的，几乎都会异口同声地说要“与神同一”，体验“非属于尘世”的愉悦。日本人有神秘主义的修行法，但没有神秘主义。这并不是说他们不能达到恍惚的状态，他们也可以达到忘我的境地，但是，就连恍惚状态也被他们视为培养“集中一点”态度的修炼法，他们不把这恍惚状态称为“入神状态”。完全不同于其他国家的神秘主义者，禅宗甚至于不把恍惚状态理解为五种感官活动暂时停止，他们认为“第六感官”正是由于这种修炼才达到某种异常敏锐的阶段。第六感官是从心里产生的，通过修炼使它超越其余普通的五种感官；与此同时，味觉、触觉、视觉、嗅觉和听觉等五官在恍惚状态下也经受了特殊修炼。在禅宗的全套修炼中有一项是察觉无声的脚步，直到能清晰地辨别出脚步从一处挪到另一处并把这些脚步数清楚；另外一个修炼是在恍惚状态下忍受住有意放出的食物的香气的诱惑。味觉、触觉、视觉、嗅觉和听觉是“第六官能的辅助”，人之所以要修炼到这种三昧境地三昧又称三摩理、三摩地，梵文意为摒弃杂念，专注一境，方能不昏不乱。——译注，是为了使“每一种感官都十分敏锐”。
This is very unusual training in any cult of extra-sensory experience. Even in trance such a Zen practitioner does not try to get outside of himself, but in the phrase Nietzsche uses of the ancient Greeks, ‘to remain what he is and retain his civic name.' There are many vivid statements of this view of the matter among the sayings of the great Japanese Buddhist teachers. One of the best is that of Dogen, the great thirteenth-century founder of the Soto cult of Zen, which is still the largest and most influential of the Zen cults. Speaking of his own enlightenment (satori), he said, ‘I recognized only that my eyes were horizontal above my perpendicular pose. . . . There is nothing mysterious (in Zen experience). Time passes as it is natural, the sun rising in the east and the moon setting in the west.'* Nor do Zen writings allow that trance experience gives power other than self-disciplined human power; ‘Yoga claims that various supernatural powers can be acquired by meditation,' a Japanese Buddhist writes, ‘but Zen does not make any such absurd claims.'?
这套理论在任何一种重视超感觉体验的宗派中都是罕见的。也就是说追求三昧境界的禅师修行者们根本不打算脱离自己的血肉之躯。这正如尼采在论及古希腊人时说的：“得留自己的原样，保持自己的市民之名。”在日本伟大的佛教大师们的言论中也有许多明确阐述这一观点的说法。其中讲的最有名的是十三世纪禅宗曹洞宗创始人道元高僧，他所创派别至今仍然是禅宗中最大、最流行的一支。他在谈到自己的“悟”时说：“我只感到我的双眼从垂直的鼻子上方水平前视……毫无神秘之感。（在禅的体验中）时间自然地流逝，太阳从东方升起，月亮从西方逝落。”引自忽滑谷快天（Kaiten Nukariya）：《武士的宗教》，伦敦，1913年，第197页。禅宗的书也不承认三昧境界能传授自我修养以外的任何人类的其他能力。一位日本佛教徒写道：“瑜伽认为冥想能够获得许多超自然的能力，但是禅宗却根本不承认这种异想天开的看法。”同上，第194页。
The Japanese thus wipe the slate clean of the assumptions on which Yoga practices are based in India. Japan, with a vital love of finitude which reminds one of the ancient Greeks, understands the technical practices of Yoga as being a self-training in perfection, a means whereby a man may obtain that ‘expertness' in which there is not the thickness of a hair between a man and his deed. It is a training in efficiency. It is a training in self-reliance. Its rewards are here and now, for it enables a man to meet any situation with exactly the right expenditure of effort, neither too much nor too little, and it gives him control of his otherwise wayward mind so that neither physical danger from outside nor passion from within can dislodge him.
因此，日本人完全抹煞了作为印度瑜伽术基础的种种假定。怀着与古希腊人思维的一种同样的出发点，日本人也对纤细性怀有强烈的偏爱，他们认为瑜伽的修行实践可以作为追求完美的自我修炼，使人能够达到在行与意之间无毛发之间隙的“精通”阶段；它是对效率的修炼，它是对自信心的修炼。它的功德是现世的功德，因为只要人们付出一定的努力，就能取得所求的结果，既不要求努力得过多，也不要求不足；此外它还给予人控制任性等情绪的本领，使人既不受到来自外部的身体上的危害，又能免于来自内部的过分的激情的妨碍。
Such training is of course just as valuable for a warrior as for a priest, and it was precisely the warriors of Japan who made the Zen cult their own. One can hardly find elsewhere than in Japan techniques of mysticism pursued without the reward of the consummating mystic experience and appropriated by warriors to train them for hand-to-hand combat. Yet this has been true from the earliest period of Zen influence in Japan. The great book by the Japanese founder, Ei-sai, in the twelfth century was called The Protection of the State by the Propagation of Zen, and Zen has trained warriors, statesmen, fencers, and university students to achieve quite mundane goals. As Sir Charles Eliot says, nothing in the history of the Zen cult in China gave any indication of the future that awaited it as a military discipline in Japan. ‘Zen has become as decidedly Japanese as tea ceremonies or No plays. It might have been supposed that in a troubled period like the twelfth and thirteenth centuries this contemplative and mystic doctrine, which finds truth not in scripture but in the immediate experience of the human mind, would have flourished in monastic harbours of refuge among those who had left the storms of the world, but not that it would have been accepted as the favourite rule of life for the military class. Yet such it became.'*
自然，这种修炼无论对武士还是僧侣来说都是十分宝贵的。而且，正是日本的武士们把禅宗作为他们自己所需要的宗教。几乎再也找不到像日本那样对神秘主义的修炼方法根本不按神秘主义的体验去做的例子了。这种方法被武士用来当做切磋和指导对打决斗时的战术，这种风尚从禅宗初传日本时就已开始了。十二世纪日本禅宗的创始人荣西的巨著就叫《兴禅护国论》。并且，禅的修炼早已被武士、政治家、剑客和大学生们所接受，用来达到他们各自的纯属于世俗的目的。如同查尔斯·艾略特勋爵所指出，禅宗在中国历史上从未有过像后来在日本那样的命运，即成为军事修炼手段的迹象。“禅与茶道或能乐一样，完全变成了日本式的。在十二至十三世纪的动乱年代中，这种冥想和神秘的，这种不在典籍手稿而埋藏在人们心中的并从直接体验中获得真理的教谕，似乎曾被指望在收容那些抛弃红尘、离家出走的人的‘避难所’——僧院中生根开花。然而，它竟被武士阶级所接受，成为他们所爱好的生活原则，这真是难以令人相信。可是，这却是事实”。引自查尔斯·艾略特勋爵：《日本的佛教》，第186页。
Many Japanese sects, both Buddhist and Shintoist, have laid great emphasis on mystic techniques of contemplation, self-hypnotism, and trance. Some of them, however, claim the result of this training as evidences of the grace of God and base their philosophy on tariki, ‘help of another,' i.e., of a gracious god. Some of them, of which Zen is the paramount example, rely only on ‘self-help,' jiriki. The potential strength, they teach, lies only within oneself, and only by one's own efforts can one increase it. Japanese samurai found this entirely congenial, and whether as monks, statesmen, or educators—for they served in all these roles—they used the Zen techniques to buttress a rugged individualism. Zen teachings were excessively explicit. ‘Zen seeks only the light man can find in himself. It tolerates no hindrance to this seeking. Clear every obstacle out of your way. . . . If on your way you meet Buddha, kill him! If you meet the Patriarchs, kill them! If you meet the Saints, kill them all. That is the only way of reaching salvation.'*
在日本，佛教与神道教等诸多宗派都对冥想、自我催眠以及恍惚状态等神秘方法给予了极大的重视。一些宗派把这种修炼的结果视作神的恩惠的凭证，并把他们的哲学建筑在“他力”（他力的帮助）即神的威力的基础上；另一些宗派，以禅宗为最明显的例子，则把其基点建立在“自我帮助”（自力）的基础上，他们的观点是，力量最可能来源于自身，而且通过自己的努力才能增强。日本武士感到这一点非常符合他们的需要，并且他们无论是作为僧侣还是作为政治家或教育家活动时（这些职能武士都可以充当），都把禅的修行法作为个人主义的支柱而加以利用。禅宗的教诲是切实可行的。“禅所追求的是人能够在自己内心找到的光明。禅在这一过程中容不得任何妨碍，必须把这一切障碍从自己的路上消除干净……如果在路上遇一佛挡路，就铲除它！如果祖师挡路，就铲除它！有圣人（阿罗汉）挡路，就把他们全部铲除！这才是获得拯救的惟一方法。”引自斯坦尼尔伯·奥伯林：《日本佛教宗派》，伦敦，1938年，第143页。
He who seeks after truth must take nothing at secondhand, no teaching of the Buddha, no scriptures, no theology. ‘The twelve chapters of the Buddhist canon are a scrap of paper.' One may with profit study them, but they have nothing to do with the lightning flash in one's own soul which is all that gives Enlightenment. In a Zen book of dialogues a novice asks a Zen priest to expound the Sutra of the Lotus of the Good Law. The priest gave him a brilliant exposition, and the listener said witheringly, ‘Why, I thought Zen priests disdained texts, theories, and systems of logical explanations.' ‘Zen,' returned the priest, ‘does not consist in knowing nothing, but in the belief that to know is outside of all texts, of all documents. You did not tell me you wanted to know, but only that you wished an explanation of the text.'?
追求真理的人绝不能采用间接的方法，既不靠佛的教训，也不靠经典或神学。“三乘十二因缘经都是一堆废纸”。研究它们不能说一点用处也没有，但这决不会启迪发自内心深处的“悟”性之光。这是一本禅宗问答集中的话。一个弟子向一位禅师讨教《法华经》之解，僧师对所有问题都给予了充分的阐述。听者面带迷惑之色说道：“我还以为禅宗僧师不重视经典、理论和理论的体系呢！”师答曰：“禅并非什么都不知道。然而在信仰上，‘知’（悟）却存在于经典或一切文献之外。你没有说欲求此‘悟’，不是只说希望听到对经典的解释吗？” 同上书第175页。
The traditional training given by Zen teachers was intended to teach novices how ‘to know.' The training might be physical or it might be mental, but it must be finally validated in the inner consciousness of the learner. Zen training of the fencer illustrates this well. The fencer, of course, has to learn and constantly practice the proper sword thrusts, but his proficiency in these belongs in the field of mere ‘competence.' In addition he must learn to be muga. He is made to stand first on the level floor, concentrating on the few inches of surface which support his body. This tiny surface of standing room is gradually raised till he has learned to stand as easily on a four-foot pillar as in a court yard. When he is perfectly secure on that pillar, he ‘knows.' His mind will no longer betray him by dizziness and fear of falling.
禅宗大师教授的传统修炼，是有目的地向弟子传授“悟”的方法。这种修炼既包括肉体上的，也包括精神上的，但最终目的都是使学习者确认这种内心的意识中的效力。禅宗在修炼剑术时也体现了这一目的。当然，剑客必须了解并且经常操演所需剑术，但这只属于“能力”方面的情况；此外，还必须懂得“无我”，练剑的人必须首先站在木板上，把精力全部集中在支撑着他的身体的那几平方英寸的木板上，这块小小的立足之地还要逐渐变高，直到他站在一根一米高的柱子上如同站在庭院中间一样镇静自如时为止。当他习惯于站在柱子上时，他就觉“悟”了，他的心就再也不会被不安害怕和对跌落的恐惧所困扰了。
This Japanese use of pillar-standing transforms the familiar Western medieval austerity of Saint Simeon Stylites into a purposeful self-discipline. It is no longer an austerity. All kinds of physical exercises in Japan, whether of the Zen cult, or the common practices of the peasant villages, undergo this kind of transformation. In many places of the world diving into freezing water and standing under mountain waterfalls, are standard austerities, sometimes to mortify the flesh, sometimes to obtain pity from the gods, sometimes to induce trance. The favorite Japanese cold-austerity was standing or sitting in an ice-cold waterfall before dawn, or dousing oneself three times during a winter night with icy water. But the object was to train one's conscious self till one no longer noticed the discomfort. A devotee's purpose was to train himself to continue his meditation without interruption. When neither the cold shock of the water nor the shivering of the body in the cold dawn registered in his consciousness he was ‘expert.' There was no other reward.
日本人通过站立柱顶这种事把西方中世纪圣西门·斯提来特苦修源圣西门（Saint Simeon），三世纪至四世纪的修道僧。据说他在柱子上生活了三十年，就在那柱子上进行说教。——译注的方法改造成为自我修养的目的服务了。当然这不再是一种苦行了。日本各种形式的体力锻炼，无论是禅宗或别的宗派所从事的，或是农村中流行的民间习惯，都是经过这种转变的。世界各国通用的苦修方法分别是：跳入冰冻的水中或站在山间瀑布之中，这是为了克服肉体的欲望，或是为了求得神恩，或是为了进入恍惚状态。日本人最欣赏的是冷修式，即在拂晓之前站立或坐在冰冷刺骨的瀑布中，或是在寒冬之夜行三次冰水浴，目的都是修炼自己的个人意识，直至忘记痛苦的感觉。这种求道者的目的是不受任何干扰，一心苦思冥想，当冷水的刺激从意识中消失，或身体在黎明的寒冷中不再发抖时，就说明已经“精通”了，此外没有任何别的希求。
Mental training had to be equally self-appropriated. A man might associate himself with a teacher, but the teacher could not ‘teach' in the Occidental sense, because nothing a novice learned from any source outside himself was of any importance. The teacher might hold discussions with the novice, but he did not lead him gently into a new intellectual realm. The teacher was considered to be most helpful when he was most rude. If, without warning, the master broke the tea bowl the novice was raising to his lips, or tripped him, or struck his knuckles with a brass rod, the shock might galvanize him into sudden insight. It broke through his complacency. The monkish books are filled with incidents of this kind.
精神修炼也同样要求自我完成。人可以求助于老师，但他们的老师绝不用西方所理解的方式“教授”；因为对弟子来说，任何从外界学来的东西都没有价值。教士也同弟子讨论，但是他却不是耐心地把弟子诱导到新的知识领域；而且教士的态度越粗暴越好，越被看成教导有方。比如，师傅会在毫无预先警告时突然将弟子送到嘴边欲喝的茶杯打落，或把他绊倒，或是用铜杖打他的手指关节；据说猛然打击可以使弟子如触电一样茅塞顿开，也可以打掉他的自满，僧侣的言行录中充满了这种故事。
The most favored technique for inducing the novice's desperate attempt ‘to know' were the koan, literally ‘the problems.' There are said to be seventeen hundred of these problems, and the anecdote books make nothing of a man's devoting seven years to the solution of one of them. They are not meant to have rational solutions. One is ‘To conceive the clapping of one hand.' Another is ‘To feel the yearning for one's mother before one's own conception.' Others are, ‘Who is carrying one's lifeless body?' ‘Who is it who is walking toward me?' ‘All things return into One; where does this last return?' Such Zen problems as these were used in China before the twelfth or thirteenth century, and Japan adopted these techniques along with the cult. On the continent, however, they did not survive. In Japan they are a most important part of training in ‘expertness.' Zen handbooks treat them with extreme seriousness. ‘Koan enshrine the dilemma of life.' A man who is pondering one, they say, reaches an impasse like ‘a pursued rat that has run up a blind tunnel,' he is like a man ‘with a ball of red-hot iron stuck in his throat,' he is ‘a mosquito trying to bite a lump of iron.' He is beside himself and redoubles his efforts. Finally the screen of his ‘observing self' between his mind and his problem falls aside; with the swiftness of a flash of lightning the two—mind and problem—come to terms. He ‘knows.'
把弟子吸引到不顾一切地追求“悟”的道路上来最惯用的方法是“公案”，意为“问题”。据说这类的问题有一千七百种之多。《禅僧逸话集》一类的书上记载，有人曾花费七年的时间解一个公案，像这样的例子数不胜数。“公案”并不是以得到合理解答为目的，如有所谓“听单掌之声”、“出生前的恋母之情”，此外还有“背负死尸走路，是谁在走”、“面向我走来的是谁”、“万法（万物）归一，一归何处？”诸如此类的禅问，曾流行于十二世纪或十三世纪以前的中国。日本在吸收这一宗派的同时也接受了这些手段；然而公案在中国已失传，在日本却成为最重要的修炼“精通”的要素之一。禅宗的入门书极其重视公案，“公案包含了人生的困境。”他们说，人若开始思考这些问题，就如同“被追捕的老鼠”那样陷入困境，或像“被热铁块卡住嗓子”，或如同“一只想叮住铁棍的蚊子”，会使他忘我地加倍努力；以致最后，他的心与公案之间的“自观”的屏障便消失了，以闪电一样的速度使心和公案融合，这便达到了开“悟”。
After these descriptions of bow-string-taut mental effort it is an anticlimax to search the incident books for great truths gained with all this expenditure. Nangaku, for instance, spent eight years on the problem, ‘Who is it who is walking toward me?' At last he understood. His words were: ‘Even when one affirms that there is something here, one omits the whole.' Nevertheless, there is a general pattern in the revelations. It is suggested in the lines of dialogue:
在读完这些使人紧张得喘不过气来的描述，花费了这么多力气之后再去研讨禅僧言行录中的伟大真理，真有些泄气之感。举例来说，曾花了八年时间解决一个问题的南岳六祖大鉴慧能禅师的法嗣。最后终于明白了“正在走过来的是谁”的问题，用他自己的话说就是：“说此地有一物，旋即失之矣。”然而，这些禅的启示都包含着共同的基调，这种基调可从下列对话的字里行间透露出来：
Novice: How shall I escape from the Wheel of Birth and Death?
弟子问：我怎样逃脱生死轮回的命运？
Master: Who puts you under restraint? (i.e., binds you to this Wheel.)
僧师答：谁把你束缚住了！（意为谁把你束缚在这个轮回上了？）
What they learn, they say, is, in the famous Chinese phrase, that they ‘were looking for an ox when they were riding on one.' They learn that ‘What is necessary is not the net and the trap but the fish or the animal these instruments were meant to catch.' They learn, that is, in Occidental phraseology, that both horns of the dilemma are irrelevant. They learn that goals may be attained with present means if the eyes of the spirit are opened. Anything is possible, and with no help from anyone but oneself.
他们认为，他们所要学的，借用中国的一句成语来说，就是“骑驴找驴”。他们所要学的，“重要的并不在于捕鱼之网或捕兽之具，而在于用这器具捕捉的鱼和兽”。按照西方的修辞说法，就是要懂得二难推理中的两格都与本质没有关系。他们还会从这里懂得，只要心灵之眼明亮，用目前现成的手段就能达到追求的目标。任何事情都可能办到，并且不需要自己以外的任何帮助。
The significance of the koan does not lie in the truths these seekers after truth discover, which are the world-wide truths of the mystics. It lies in the way the Japanese conceive the search for truth.
公案的重要性并不在于这些真理的探索者发现的真理，因为这些真理是世界上任何一种神秘主义者都会得到的，公案的意义在于强调日本人用来找寻真理的方法。
The koan are called ‘bricks with which to knock upon the door.' ‘The door' is in the wall built around unenlightened human nature, which worries about whether present means are sufficient and fantasies to itself a cloud of watchful witnesses who will allot praise or blame. It is the wall of haji (shame) which is so real to all Japanese. Once the brick has battered down the door and it has fallen open, one is in free air and one throws away the brick. One does not go on solving more koan. The lesson has been learned and the Japanese dilemma of virtue has been solved. They have thrown themselves with desperate intensity against an impasse; for ‘the sake of the training' they have become as ‘mosquitoes biting a lump of iron.' In the end they have learned that there is no impasse—no impasse between gimu and giri, either, or between giri and human feelings, between righteousness and giri. They have found a way out. They are free and for the first time they can fully ‘taste' life. They are muga. Their training in ‘expertness' has been successfully achieved.
公案亦被称为“敲门砖”。而这座“门”锁住的是未觉悟的人性，这种人性总担心眼前的手段是否够用；还幻想自己处于无数人的监视之下，对自己的行动或得赞扬，或将非难。这座门还锁着对所有日本人都非常敏感的“耻辱”。这块砖一旦敲中这座门，门便自动地打开，里面的人性便被解放到自由的天地中来了，砖也就丢掉，人无须再解答任何公案了。功课念完了，日本人的道德矛盾也就解决了。他们曾经不顾一切地在一条死路上走下去，为了“修行的缘故”，他们曾变得像一只“想叮住铁棍的蚊子”，到头来他们才知道，根本就没有什么死路。在“义务”和“义理”之间、在“义理”和“人情”之间以及在“正义”和“义理”之间根本不存在着死路，他们已经找到了出路，他们自由了；第一次能够充分地“享受”人生了，他们达到“无我”的境地了，他们所受的修炼圆满地获得“精通”的结果了。
Suzuki, the great authority on Zen Buddhism, describes muga as ‘ecstasy with no sense of I am doing it,' ‘effortlessness.'* The ‘observing self' is eliminated; a man ‘loses himself,' that is, he ceases to be a spectator of his acts. Suzuki says: ‘With the awaking of consciousness, the will is split into two: . . . actor and observer. Conflict is inevitable, for the actor(-self) wants to be free from the limitations' of the observer-self. Therefore in Enlightenment the disciple discovers that there is no observer-self, ‘no soul entity as an unknown or unknowable quantity.'? Nothing remains but the goal and the act that accomplishes it. The student of human behavior could rephrase this statement to refer more particularly to Japanese culture. As a child a person is drastically trained to observe his own acts and to judge them in the light of what people will say; his observer-self is terribly vulnerable. To deliver himself up to the ecstasy of his soul, he eliminates this vulnerable self. He ceases to feel that ‘he is doing it.' He then feels himself trained in his soul in the same way that the novice in fencing feels himself trained to stand without fear of falling on the four-foot pillar.
佛教禅宗研究的泰斗铃木大拙将“无我”描述成“完全意识不到我自身的三昧境界”，“无努力”引自铃木大拙：《佛教禅案论文集》第三卷，第318页。。它排除了“自观”的感觉，人在“自我消失”之中，这是指他不再作为自我行为的旁观者了。铃木大拙说：“在意识觉悟之后，行为者和观察者在意识中分裂开来，冲突就不可避免地发生了，（自我的）行为者要冲破自我观察者拘束。”因此，在达到觉悟时，信徒就发现不再是自我观察者了，“本质上不再有作为一种未知或不可知的实体存在了”引自查尔斯·艾略特勋爵：《日本的佛教》，第401页。。除了目标本身和达到目标的行为之外其他一切都荡然无存，研究人类行为的人只需对这些话稍加改动，就可以很清楚地表现出日本文化的特点。从幼年起，人就被培养得非常注意自己的行为，学会用世人将会有什么看法作为衡量行为的标准，因而不可避免地会成为严格的自我观察家。人在达到神秘的三昧境界之后则忘记自己，忘记这个不可避免的自我，不再感觉到“自我的存在”；然后会发现他经历了像学剑术的人站在一米高的柱子上毫无畏惧那样的灵魂修炼。
The painter, the poet, the public speaker and the warrior use this training in muga similarly. They acquire, not Infinitude, but a clear undisturbed perception of finite beauty or adjustment of means and ends so that they can use just the right amount of effort, ‘no more and no less,' to achieve their goal.
画师、诗人、演说家或武士都利用类似这种“无我”的修炼方法。他们获得的却不属于“无限”的领域，而是十分明确和明显感觉到的有限的美好事物，这可以调节手段或目的，使他们能在花费适量的“不多不少”的努力时就达到目标。
Even a person who has undergone no training at all may have a sort of muga experience. When a man watching Noh or Kabuki plays completely loses himself in the spectacle, he too is said to lose his observing self. The palms of his hands become wet. He feels ‘the sweat of muga.' A bombing pilot approaching his goal has ‘the sweat of muga' before he releases his bombs. ‘He is not doing it.' There is no observer-self left in his consciousness. An anti-aircraft gunner, lost to all the world beside, is said similarly to have ‘the sweat of muga' and to have eliminated the observer-self. The idea is that in all such cases people in this condition are at the top of their form.
甚至于完全没有修炼过的人也可以具有一点“无我”的经验。人们在全神贯注地观看能乐或歌舞伎剧时，也会说他一下子失去了自观的感觉，他手心出汗，他却感到是一种“无我的汗”。轰炸机驾驶员在看到目标扔出炸弹之前，也会出“无我的汗”，在他那时的观念中没有“自观”存在。高射炮手也会一度把整个世界的念头抛在脑后，也可以说是类似的“无我的汗”，也排除了自观。这种观点指的是所有面临这些情况并处在这种心境状况的人，都会充分地表现出同样的状态。
Such concepts are eloquent testimony to the heavy burden the Japanese make out of self-watchfulness and self-surveillance. They are free and efficient, they say, when these restraints are gone. Whereas Americans identify their observer-selves with the rational principle within them and pride themselves in crises on ‘keeping their wits about them,' the Japanese feel that a millstone has fallen from around their necks when they deliver themselves up to the ecstasy of their souls and forget the restraints self-watchfulness imposes. As we have seen, their culture dins the need for circumspection into their souls, and the Japanese have countered by declaring that there is a more efficient plane of human consciousness where this burden falls away.
这些观点最雄辩地说明了日本人的自我观察、自我监督的沉重负担所产生的副作用。他们说，当这些压力消失时他们既感到自由，又非常有效率。正如美国人用自己内心的理性原则进行自我观察后在面临困难时临危不惧而自豪一样，日本人只有在将自己的全部灵魂贯注于三昧境界，完全忘却自我监视的压力时，才会感到悬在脖子上的巨石落地。正如我们前面谈到的，他们的文化将周围环境的要求深深地嵌入他们的灵魂之中，当这个负担解除之后，日本人的回答是向世人宣告，在人类意识的领域中有一个更加积极有效的境界。
The most extreme form in which the Japanese state this tenet, at least to the ears of an Occidental, is the way they supremely approve of the man ‘who lives as already dead.' The literal Western translation would be ‘the living corpse,' and in all Occidental languages ‘the living corpse' is an expression of horror. It is the phrase by which we say that a man's self has died and left his body encumbering the earth. No vital principle is left in him. The Japanese use ‘living as one already dead' to mean that one lives on the plane of ‘expertness.' It is used in common everyday exhortation. To encourage a boy who is worrying about his final examinations from middle school, a man will say, ‘Take them as one already dead and you will pass them easily.' To encourage someone who is undertaking an important business deal, a friend will say, ‘Be as one already dead.' When a man goes through a great soul crisis and cannot see his way ahead, he quite commonly emerges with the resolve to live ‘as one already dead.' The great Christian leader Kagawa, since VJ-Day made a member of the House of Lords, says in his fictionalized autobiography: ‘Like a man bewitched by an evil spirit he spent every day in his room weeping. His fits of sobbing verged on hysteria. His agony lasted for a month and a half but life finally gained the victory. . . . He would live endued with the strength of death. . . . He would enter into the conflict as one already dead. . . . He decided to become a Christian.'* During the war Japanese soldiers said, ‘I resolve to live as one already dead and thus repay ko-on to the Emperor,' and this covered such behavior as conducting one's own funeral before embarking, pledging one's body ‘to the dust of Iwo Jima,' and resolving ‘to fall with the flowers of Burma.'
日本人用一种绝对化的形式证明这种信条——至少在西方人听来如此——他们一本正经地宣布一个活人为“行尸走肉”。这个词从字面上译成西方文字应该是“活着的尸体”，这个说法在一切西方语言中都表示十分令人厌恶。我们正是用这句话去表示一种个性消失的人，只留下他的身体浪费地上能源，他的最主要的生命力已经死亡。日本人使用“活着的尸体”却是形容达到“精通”阶段的人。它是日常生活中用来鼓励他人的话。人们在激励一个担心毕业考试考不好的少年时会说“就当做已经死去，你一定能顺利通过”；在鼓励那些在事业上准备采取重大措施的人时，朋友们会说：“就权当已经死去！”一个人正在经历精神上的严重危机，对前途失去信心时，他自然而然地会用“像已死去那样”，作为活下去的选择。战后当选为贵族院议员的基督教领导人贺川（丰彦）在他的自传体小说中写道：“如同一个恶魔缠身的人一样，他坐在屋里终日哭号，阵阵硬咽使他濒临狂乱。他在痛苦中挣扎了一个半月，然而，生命之力终于占了上风……他用死的毅力赢得了生……他要像已死者那样投入战斗……他决心当一个基督徒。”引自贺川本彦：《拂晓之前》，第240页。战争中的日本军人也曾说过：“我要像已死者那样获得生命，以此报答天皇陛下的洪恩。”这也说明了为什么在出征前为自己举行葬礼，为什么宣誓说要让自己的躯体“成为硫黄岛的尘土”，也说明了那种“要与缅甸的花朵同凋谢”的精神。
The philosophy which underlies muga underlies also ‘living as already dead.' In this state a man eliminates all self-watchfulness and thus all fear and circumspection. He becomes as the dead, who have passed beyond the necessity of taking thought about the proper course of action. The dead are no longer returning on; they are free. Therefore to say, ‘I will live as one already dead' means a supreme release from conflict. It means, ‘My energy and attention are free to pass directly to the fulfillment of my purpose. My observer-self with all its burden of fears is no longer between me and my goal. With it have gone the sense of tenseness and strain and the tendency toward depression that troubled my earlier strivings. Now all things are possible to me.'
“行尸走肉”的哲学基础也就是“无我”的哲学基础。在这种情况下，人忘掉了一切自我监视以及由此而产生的一切恐惧和戒备。他变得如死人一样，不需要再考虑自己的行为是否合乎常规，死人也不用再报“恩”，死者是自由自在的。所以一旦宣布“我要如死者那样去生”就意味着从冲突中得到了超脱和解放；也就意味着“我的全部精力和注意力要不受任何干扰，直接去完成我的目的；在我和我的目标之间不再存在自我观察所带来的一切恐惧和麻烦，原来常常压迫我的精神的不安、紧张和意志消沉也随之去吧，现在我无所不能了”。
In Western phraseology, the Japanese in the practice of muga and of ‘living as one already dead' eliminate the conscience. What they call ‘the observing-self,' ‘the interfering self,' is a censor judging one's acts. It points up vividly the difference between Western and Eastern psychology that when we speak of a conscienceless American we mean a man who no longer feels the sense of sin which should accompany wrongdoing, but that when a Japanese uses the equivalent phrase he means a man who is no longer tense and hindered. The American means a bad man; the Japanese means a good man, a trained man, a man able to use his abilities to the utmost. He means a man who can perform the most difficult and devoted deeds of unselfishness. The great American sanction for good behavior is guilt; a man who because of a calloused conscience can no longer feel this has become antisocial. The Japanese diagram the problem differently. According to their philosophy man in his inmost soul is good. If his impulse can be directly embodied in his deed, he acts virtuously and easily. Therefore he undergoes, in ‘expertness,' self-training to eliminate the self-censorship of shame (haji). Only then is his ‘sixth sense' free of hindrance. It is his supreme release from self-consciousness and conflict.
按照西方人的理解，进入了“无我”和“像死者那样去生”的日本人是排除了意识的人。他们所说的“自观”、“自碍”正是人类行为是非的裁判员。这一点再清楚不过地勾画出了东西方之间的心理差异：我们认为一个美国人失去了理智，正是说此人不再有罪恶感、犯罪感，这当然会导致不良行为的发生；然而日本人用类似的词，却指人的“无心”、“无念无想”状态；美国人指的是坏人，日本人指的却是好人、有教养的人、能充分利用全部能力的人，这种人能完成最艰巨的任务，能把自己贡献给最无私的壮举。在美国人看来，行善的最大强制力是罪恶感，丧失理智而没有罪恶感的人，就成了反社会的人。而日本人解释问题的方法正与此相反，按照他们的哲学，人的灵魂深处都是善的，如果人的冲动能直接表现在行动上，他的行为就是德行善举，他因此就能达到“精通”。通过自我修养能消除“耻辱”的自我监督，正是在这种状态下，他的“第六感官”才获得了解脱，他也就从自我意识和冲突中彻底解放出来。
This Japanese philosophy of self-discipline is abracadabra only so long as it is separated from their individual life experiences in Japanese culture. We have already seen how heavily this shame (haji) which they assign to ‘the observing self' weighs upon the Japanese, but the true meaning of their philosophy in their psychic economy is still obscure without a description of Japanese child-rearing. In any culture traditional moral sanctions are transmitted to each new generation, not merely in words, but in all the elders' attitudes toward their children, and an outsider can hardly understand any nation's major stakes in life without studying the way children are brought up there. Japanese child-rearing makes clearer many of their national assumptions about life which we have so far described only at the adult level.
如果把日本人这种自我修养哲学与日本文化中的日本人个人生活经历割裂开来考察，便会陷入迷雾之中。我们在前面已经谈到这种“耻辱”感对日本人的“自观”施加了多么沉重的压力，但如果不从日本人哺育后代开始描述的话，他们的精神控制法中的哲学真谛仍然不甚明了。在任何文化中，传统道德的约束力都不仅通过言语，而且通过长辈对孩子的态度传给每一个下一代。局外人必须考察人们如何教育子女，才抓住了任何民族生活的一个主要线索。日本人教育孩子的方法，更清楚地揭示了他们的民族对人生所持的看法，我们对这些看法至此为止还仅限于了解到成人的范围。