Two Outsiders—Japan and Russia

三两个特例：日本和俄国

By the sixteenth century there were two other states which, although nowhere near the size and population of the Ming, Ottoman, and Mogul empires, were demonstrating signs of political consolidation and economic growth. In the Far East, Japan was taking forward steps just as its large Chinese neighbor was beginning to atrophy. Geography gave a prime strategical asset to the Japanese (as it did to the British), for insularity offered a protection from overland invasion which China did not possess. The gap between the islands of Japan and the Asiatic mainland was by no means a complete one, however, and a great deal of Japanese culture and religion had been adapted from the older civilization. But whereas China was run by a unified bureaucracy, power in Japan lay in the hands of clan-based feudal lordships and the emperor was but a cipher. The centralized rule which had existed in the fourteenth century had been replaced by a constant feuding between the clans —akin, as it were, to the strife among their equivalents in Scotland. This was not the ideal circumstance for traders and merchants, but it did not check a very considerable amount of economic activity. At sea, as on land, entrepreneurs jostled with warlords and military adventurers, each of whom detected profit in the East Asian maritime trade. Japanese pirates scoured the coasts of China and Korea for plunder, while simultaneously other Japanese welcomed the chance to exchange goods with the Portuguese and Dutch visitors from the West. Christian missions and European wares penetrated Japanese society far more easily than they did an aloof, self-contained Ming Empire. 12

到16世纪时，还有另外两个国家虽然在版图和人口方面都比明王朝、奥斯曼帝国和莫卧儿王朝差得很远，但已展现出政治统一和经济发展的迹象。在远东，日本在其巨大邻国开始衰落的时候，正向前迈进。地理位置给了日本人最好的战略财富（就像它给予英国人的一样），因为岛国地位可使它免遭陆上入侵，而中国就不具备这点。然而日本列岛和亚洲大陆间的距离绝不是不可逾越，而且大量日本文化和宗教都是从那个古老文明的国家借鉴来的。但当中国已由一个统一的官僚体系治理的时候，日本的政权还掌握在以氏族为基础的封建地主手中，天皇却无足轻重。14世纪存在过的中央集权统治被氏族间的频繁争斗取而代之，这种争斗有如苏格兰氏族间的斗争。这并不是大小商人的理想环境，但也没有阻碍大量的经济活动。在海上同在陆上一样，企业家要同军阀和军事冒险家竞争，军阀和军事冒险家们都要从东亚的海上贸易中抽取利润。日本海盗沿着中国和朝鲜海岸进行掠夺。与此同时，其他日本人则欢迎与从西方来的葡萄牙和荷兰访问者交换货物。基督教传教团和欧洲货物渗透到日本社会，这在日本比在冷漠的、自给自足的明帝国容易得多。

This lively if turbulent scene was soon to be altered by the growing use of imported European armaments. As was happening elsewhere in the world, power gravitated toward those individuals or groups who possessed the resources to commandeer a large musket-bearing army and, most important of all, cannon. In Japan the result was the consolidation of authority under the great warlord Hideyoshi, whose aspirations ultimately led him twice to attempt the conquest of Korea. When these failed, and Hideyoshi died in 1598, civil strife again threatened Japan; but within a few years all power had been consolidated in the hands of Ieyasu and fellow shoguns of the Tokugawa clan. This time the centralized military rule could not be shaken.

这种虽说动乱但还活跃的场面很快就因越来越多地使用进口的西方武器而改变了。像发生在世界其他地方的情形一样，政权转到了那些掌握大量资源，可以招募一支佩带滑膛枪、最重要的是带大炮的军人和集团手中。结果是在大军阀丰臣秀吉控制下的政权巩固起来。丰臣秀吉的雄心导致他两次试图征服朝鲜。当两次征讨失败以后，丰臣秀吉于1598年死去，内乱再次威胁日本。但几年之中全部政权又集中到德川家康和德川氏的其他将军手中。这次中央集权的军事统治不会被动摇了。

In many respects, Tokugawa Japan possessed the characteristics of the “new monarchies” which had arisen in the West during the preceding century. The great difference was the shogunate’s abjuration of overseas expansion, indeed of virtually all contact with the outside world. In 1636, construction of oceangoing vessels was stopped and Japanese subjects were forbidden to sail the high seas. Trade with Europeans was restricted to the permitted Dutch ship calling at Deshima in Nagasaki harbor; the others were tumbled out. Even, earlier, virtually all Christians (foreign and native) were ruthlessly murdered at the behest of the shogunate. Clearly, the chief motive behind these drastic measures was the Tokugawa clan’s determination to achieve unchallenged control; foreigners and Christians were thus regarded as potentially subversive. But so, too, were the other feudal lords, which is why they were required to spend half the year in the capital; and why, during the six months they were allowed to reside on their estates, their families had to remain at Yedo (Tokyo), virtually hostages.

在许多方面，德川幕府时代的日本具有上一世纪在西方产生的“新君主制”的特点。重大的区别是幕府放弃海外扩张，实际是放弃同外部世界的一切实质上的联系。1636年，远洋船舶的建造停止了，而日本公民则禁止在公海航行。同欧洲人的贸易仅限于停靠长崎港出岛的特许荷兰船。甚至还在这以前，实际上所有基督教徒（外国的和本地的）都根据幕府的命令被残忍地屠杀了。这些严厉措施背后的主要动机显然是德川氏决心实现没有争议的控制，因而外国人和基督徒被看成是潜在的颠覆分子。但其他封建贵族也同样被看成颠覆势力，所以要求他们每年在都城住半年，而且在他们被允许住在自己庄园的6个月期间，他们的家属得留在江户（东京），实际上是被当作人质。

This imposed uniformity did not, of itself, throttle economic development—nor, for that matter, did it prevent outstanding artistic achievements. Nationwide peace was good for trade, the towns and overall population were growing, and the increasing use of cash payments made merchants and bankers more important. The latter, however, were never permitted the social and political prominence they gained in Italy, the Netherlands, and Britain, and the Japanese were obviously unable to learn about, and adopt, new technological and industrial developments that were occurring elsewhere. Like the Ming dynasty, the Tokugawa shogunate deliberately chose, with a few exceptions, to cut itself off from the rest of the world. This may not have retarded economic activities in Japan itself, but it did harm the relative power of the Japanese state. Disdaining to engage in trade, and forbidden to travel or to display their weapons except on ceremonial occasions, the samurai warriors attached to their lords lived a life of ritual and boredom. The entire military system ossified for two centuries, so that when Commodore Perry’s famous “black ships” arrived in 1853, there was little that an overawed Japanese government could do except grant the American request for coaling and other facilities.

这种强制性的统一本身并没有抑制经济的发展，而且，也没有阻碍取得杰出的艺术成就。全国性的和平有利于商业，城镇和总人口都在增长，现金支付的发展使商人和银行家的重要性提高。然而，后者从未被容许获得意大利、尼德兰以及英国商人和银行家所取得的社会和政治的突出地位，而日本人显然还不能了解和采用别人发明的技术和工业发展的成就。像明王朝一样，德川幕府故意选择了与世隔绝的道路，只有个别例外。这也许并没有阻碍日本本国的经济活动，但它损害了日本国的相对实力。由于轻视经商、被禁止旅行或者除庆典之外炫耀自己的武器，依附于主子的武士们过着刻板沉闷的生活。整个军事制度僵化了200年，所以当分舰队司令培里［5］的著名“黑船队”于1853年来到的时候，惊惶失措的日本政府别无他法，只得同意美国人加煤和获得其他便利的请求。

At the beginning of its period of political consolidation and growth, Russia appeared similar to Japan in certain respects. Geographically far removed from the West—partly on account of poor communications, and partly because periodic clashes with Lithuania, Poland, Sweden, and the Ottoman Empire interrupted those routes which did exist—the Kingdom of Muscovy was nevertheless deeply influenced by its European inheritance, not least through the Russian Orthodox Church. It was from the West, moreover, that there came the lasting solution to Russia’s vulnerability to the horsemen of the Asian plains: muskets and cannon. With these new weapons, Moscow could now establish itself as one of the “gunpowder empires” and thus expand. A westward drive was difficult, given that the Swedes and Poles also possessed such armaments, but colonial expansion against the tribes and khanates to the south and east was made much easier by this militarytechnological advantage. By 1556, for example, Russian troops had reached the Caspian Sea. This military expansionism was accompanied, and often eclipsed, by the explorers and pioneers who steadily pushed east of the Urals, through Siberia, and had actually reached the Pacific coast by 1638. 13 Despite its hard-won military superiority over Mongol horsemen, there was nothing easy or inevitable about the growth of the Russian Empire. The more peoples that were conquered, the greater was the likelihood of internal dissension and revolt. The nobles at home were often restive, even after the purge of their numbers by Ivan the Terrible. The Tartar khanate of the Crimea remained a powerful foe; its troops sacked Moscow in 1571, and it remained independent until the late eighteenth century. Challenges from the West were even more threatening; the Poles, for example, occupied Moscow between 1608 and 1613.

在政治统一和发展时期之初，俄国看来在某些方面同日本相似。它在地理上远离西方，这部分是因为交通不便，部分是因为周期性地与立陶宛、波兰、瑞典和奥斯曼帝国的军事冲突中断了已经存在的那些道路，但俄罗斯王室还是深受欧洲文明的影响，并且不仅仅是受俄国东正教的影响。其次，是从西方找到了俄国对付亚洲平原骑兵攻击的最后解决方法，这就是滑膛枪和大炮。莫斯科用这些新式武器现在可自立为一个“火药帝国”，从而进行扩张。由于瑞典人和波兰人也拥有这种武器，向西攻击是困难的，但利用这种军事优势向南部和东部的游牧部落和汗国进行殖民扩张就变得容易得多。例如至1556年，俄国军队已到达里海。伴随这种军事扩张而来的常常是探险家和拓荒者，他们不断向乌拉尔山脉以东推进，通过西伯利亚，并在1638年前实际上抵达了太平洋海岸，而且探险者和拓荒者的活动常使军事扩张黯然失色。尽管有来之不易的对蒙古骑兵的军事优势，俄罗斯帝国的发展并非轻而易举或不可避免。被征服的民族越多，内部纷争和叛乱的可能性就越大。国内贵族也经常不安分，甚至在伊凡雷帝清洗了他们的很多人以后也是如此。克里米亚的鞑靼汗国仍然是一个强敌，它的军队于1571年洗劫了莫斯科，并且直到18世纪仍保持独立。来自西方的挑战更具威胁性，例如波兰人在1608到1613年之间曾占领莫斯科。

A further weakness was that despite certain borrowings from the West, Russia remained technologically backward and economically underdeveloped. Extremes of climate and the enormous distances and poor communications partly accounted for this, but so also did severe social defects: the military absolutism of the czars, the monopoly of education in the hands of the Orthodox Church, the venality and unpredictability of the bureaucracy, and the institution of serfdom, which made agriculture feudal and static. Yet despite this relative backwardness, and despite the setbacks, Russia continued to expand, imposing upon its new territories the same military force and autocratic rule which was used to command the obedience of the Muscovites. Enough had been borrowed from Europe to give the regime the armed strength to preserve itself, while all possibility of western social and political “modernization” was firmly resisted; foreigners in Russia, for example, were segregated from the natives in order to prevent subversive influences. Unlike the other despotisms mentioned in this chapter, the empire of the czars would manage to survive and Russia would one day grow to be a world power. Yet in 1500, and even as late as 1650, this was scarcely obvious to many Frenchmen, Dutchmen, and Englishmen, who probably knew as much about the Russian ruler as they did about the legendary Prester John. 14

俄国更深一层的弱点是，尽管它从西方有所借鉴，但在技术上仍然是落后的，在经济上仍是不发达国家。气候严寒、距离遥远和交通不便是部分原因，严重的社会弊端也起了作用，其中有：沙皇的军事专制主义、东正教对教育的垄断、官吏们贪赃枉法和缺乏预见性，以及农奴制度——这种制度使农业处于封建和停滞状态。但尽管有这些相对落后性，尽管有种种挫折，俄国还是继续进行扩张，把用于强制俄国人顺从的军事力量和独裁统治强加给新的领土。在从西方借鉴足够多的军事实力使现存制度获得维护的同时，任何西方社会和政治“现代化”的可能性都受到颠覆的抵制，例如，住在俄国的外国人被同本地人隔离开来，以免受到颠覆性影响。沙皇帝国与本章提到的其他专制国家不同，它得以生存延续，总有一天会成长为世界强国。但是在1500年，甚至迟至1650年，许多法国人、荷兰人和英国人未必清楚这一点，他们对俄国统治者的了解可能并不比对传说中的普雷斯特·约翰［6］了解的更多。