3 LUKEWARM BELIEVER

3 温热的信仰者

(1920–25 AGE 26–31)

1920~1925 年    26~31 岁

AT THE SAME TIME as Mao became involved with the Communist Party, he developed a relationship with the daughter of his former teacher Yang Chang-chi. Yang Kai-hui, eight years Mao’s junior, was to become his second wife.

与共产党结缘的同时,毛泽东也陷入了恋爱,对象是他从前老师杨昌济的女儿杨开慧。她比毛小八岁,后来成为他的第二任妻子。

She was born in 1901 in an idyllic spot outside Changsha. A delicate and sensitive child, she was brought up by her mother, who came from a scholar’s family, while her father spent eleven years abroad, in Japan, Britain and Germany, studying ethics, logic and philosophy. When he returned to Changsha, in spring 1913, he brought back European ways, and encouraged his daughter to join him and his male students at meals, which was unheard-of in those days. Beautiful, elegant, wistful and articulate, she bowled over all the young men.

开慧于一九0一年出生在长沙城外一个田园诗般的村子里。生下不久父亲留学去了日本、英国、德国,一去十多年,出身书香人家的母亲把她抚养长大,从小娇弱易感的开慧出落成一个既感情缠绵又落落大方的闺秀。一九一三年春天,父亲从国外回来,带来了欧洲的生活方式。男学生来访时,开慧也同他们一起用餐说话。这在当时还很少见。美丽优雅的开慧常率直地发表见解,让男学生们大为倾倒。

Her father was impressed with Mao’s brains, and gave him high recommendations to influential people. “I am telling you seriously,” he wrote to one of them, “these two people [Mao and another student, Cai He-sen] are rare talents in China, and will have a great future … you cannot but pay serious attention to them.” When he became a professor of ethics at Peking University in 1918, he welcomed Mao to stay with his family during Mao’s first—and fruitless—venture to Peking. Kai-hui was then seventeen, and Mao was very keen on her, but she did not respond. She wrote years later:

开慧的父亲欣赏毛的头脑,向有影响的人极力推崇他。他对章士钊说过:“吾郑重语君,二子(毛和朋友蔡和森)海内人才,前程远大,君不言救国则已,救国必先重二子。”一九一八年,杨先生去北大任教,毛第一次到北京时曾住在他家。那时开慧十七岁,毛二十四、五岁,毛很喜欢她,她却没反应。许多年后她回忆道:

When I was about seventeen or eighteen, I began to have my own views about marriage. I was against any marriage that involved rituals. I also thought that to seek love deliberately would easily and inevitably lose true, sacred, incredible, the highest, the most beautiful and unsurpassable love!… There is an expression which best expressed my thoughts: “Not to have if not perfect.”

“大约是十七八岁的时候,我对于结婚也已有了我自己的见解,我反对一切用仪式的结婚,并且我认为有心去求爱,是容易而且必然的要失去真实神圣的不可思议的最高级最美丽无上的爱的!……我好像生性如此,不能够随便。一句恰好的话,可以表现我的态度出来,“不完全则宁无。”

In January 1920, her father died. Mao was in Peking on his second trip, and spent a lot of time with the family. It was then that she fell in love with Mao. She was to write:

一九二0年一月,她父亲去世。刚好毛第二次到北京,同开慧朝夕相处,开慧终于爱上了毛。她写道:

Father died! My beloved father died! Of course I was very sad. But I felt death was also a relief for Father, and so I was not too sad.

父亲死了!我对于他有深爱的父亲死了!当然不免难过。但我认为父亲是得到了解脱,因此我并不十分悲伤。

But I did not expect to be so lucky. I had a man I loved. I really loved him so much. I had been in love with him after I had heard a lot about him, and had read many of his articles and diaries … Although I loved him, I would not show it. I was convinced that love was in the hands of nature, and I must not presumptuously demand or pursue it …

不料我也有这样的幸运!得到了一个爱人!我是十分的爱他:自从听到他许多的事,看见了他许多文章日记,我就爱了他,不过我没有希望过会同他结婚,(因为我不要人家的被动爱,我虽然爱他,我决不表示,我认定爱的权柄是橾在自然的手里,我决不妄去希求……)

So she still held back. Then they were parted when Kai-hui escorted her father’s coffin back to Changsha, where she entered a missionary school. The distance only heightened her feelings. She later recalled:

像一个矜持的淑女,开慧没有吐露心声。不久他们分开了,她护送父亲的灵柩回长沙,進了教会学校。别离增强了她的爱情,她写道:

He wrote me many letters, expressing his love. Still I did not dare to believe I had such luck. If it had not been for a friend who knew his [Mao’s] feelings and told me about them—saying that he was very miserable because of me—I believe I would have remained single all my life. Ever since I came to know his true feelings towards me completely, from that day on, I had a new sense. I felt that apart from living for my mother, I was also living for him … I was imagining that if there were a day when he died, and when my mother was also no longer with me, I would definitely follow him and die with him!

一直到他有许多的信给我,表示他的爱意,我还不敢相信我有这样的幸运!不是一位朋友,知道他的情形的朋友,把他的情形告诉我--他为我非常烦闷--我相信我的独身生活,是会成功的。自从我完全了解了他对我的真意,从此我有一个新意识,我觉得我为母亲而生之外,是为他而生的,我想像着,假如一天他死去了,我的母亲也不在了,我一定要跟着他去死!

When Mao returned to Changsha later that year, they became lovers. Mao was living in the school where he was the headmaster, and Kai-hui would visit him there. But she would not stay the night. They were not married, and the year was 1920, when living together outside marriage was unthinkable for a lady. Nor did Mao want to be tied down. In a letter to a friend on 26 November, he inveighed: “I think that all men and women in the marriage system are in nothing but a ‘rape league’ … I refuse to join this rape league.” He broached the idea of forming a “Resisting Marriage Alliance,” saying: “Even if no one else agrees with me, I am my own ‘one-man alliance.’”

毛回长沙后,两人成了情侣。毛住在他任主事的师范附小,开慧常常去那里会他。但她不愿留下过夜,他们还没有结婚。毛不想结婚,不愿受约束。一九二0年十一月二十六日他给朋友的一封信中宣布:“我觉得凡在婚姻制度底下的男女,只是一个“强奸团”,我是早已宣言不愿加入这个强奸团的”;毛鼓吹组成“拒婚同盟”,说:“假如没有人赞成我的办法,我“一个人的同盟”是已经结起了的。”

One night, after she was gone, Mao was unable to sleep, and wrote a poem that opened with these lines:

一天夜里,开慧走了,毛无法入睡,爬起来写了首“虞美人”:

Sorrow, piled on my pillow, what is your shape? Like waves in rivers and seas, you endlessly churn. How long the night, how dark the sky, when will it be light? Restless, I sat up, gown thrown over my shoulders, in the cold.

堆来枕上愁何状?/ 江海翻波浪。/ 夜长天色怎难明,/ 无奈披衣起坐薄寒中。/

When dawn came at last, only ashes remained of my hundred thoughts …

晓来百念皆灰烬,/ 倦极身无凭。/ 一钩残月向西流,/ 对此不抛眼泪也无由。

Helped by this poem, Mao managed to persuade Kai-hui to stay overnight. The walls were just thin boards, and some of the residents complained when the pair made passionate love. One neighbor cited a rule saying that teachers’ wives were forbidden to sleep in the school, but Mao was the headmaster: he changed the rule, and started a precedent that teachers’ wives could stay in schools.

这首诗打动了开慧,她终于同意了留宿。夜里,他们热烈地做爱,房间的墙壁是木板隔间,很薄,左右邻居抱怨起来。有人说学校有规矩,教师的妻子不能在学校过夜。但毛是主事,他就干脆把规矩改了,从此开了教师妻子在学校留宿的先例。

For Kai-hui, staying the night meant giving the whole of herself. “My willpower had long given way,” she was to write, “and I had allowed myself to live in romance. I had come to the conclusion: ‘Let Heaven collapse and Earth sink down! Let this be the end!’ What meaning would my life have if I didn’t live for my mother and for him? So I lived in a life of love …”

对开慧来说,留下过夜等于把她整个的人都献给了毛。她后来写道:“我的意志早又衰歇下来了,早又入了浪漫态度中,早已又得了一个结论:“只有天崩地塌一下总解决!”除非为母亲和他而生,我的生有何意义!”

Mao’s feelings were no match for Kai-hui’s, and he continued to see other girlfriends, in particular a widowed teacher called Si-yung, who was three years his junior. She helped a lot with raising funds for the bookshop, as some of her pupils came from rich families. She and Mao traveled as a couple.

毛对开慧的感情远不如开慧的强烈真诚,他还继续有着别的女朋友。最亲近的是陶斯咏,一个丧夫的教师,比毛小三岁。办文化书社她帮毛筹款,因为她教的学生中有的家里很有钱。她跟毛一同出去旅行,俨如一对夫妻。

When Kai-hui found out, she was shattered: “Then suddenly one day, a bomb fell on my head. My feeble life was devastatingly hit, and was almost destroyed by this blow!” But she forgave Mao. “However, this was only how I felt when I first heard the news. After all, he is not an ordinary man. She [Si-yung] loved him so passionately she would give everything for him. He also loved her, but he would not betray me, and he did not betray me in the end.” Mao seems to have explained away his affair by claiming he felt unsure of Kai-hui’s love. She chose to believe him:

开慧发现了。她这样描述自己的感觉:“忽然一天一颗炸弹跌在我的头上,微弱的生命,猛然的被这一击几乎毁了!”然而她原谅了毛:

When Kai-hui found out, she was shattered: “Then suddenly one day, a bomb fell on my head. My feeble life was devastatingly hit, and was almost destroyed by this blow!” But she forgave Mao. “However, this was only how I felt when I first heard the news. After all, he is not an ordinary man. She [Si-yung] loved him so passionately she would give everything for him. He also loved her, but he would not betray me, and he did not betray me in the end.” Mao seems to have explained away his affair by claiming he felt unsure of Kai-hui’s love. She chose to believe him:

“但这是初听这一声时的感觉,他究竟不是平常的男子,她爱他,简直有不顾一切的气象,他也爱她,但他不能背叛我,他终竟没有背叛我,他没有和她发生更深的关系……”毛告诉开慧他有女友是因为他对开慧的心摸不准,不知道开慧是否真爱他。开慧相信了他:“他的心盖,我的心盖,都被揭开了,我看见了他的心,他也完全看见了我的心,(因我们彼此都有一个骄傲脾气,那时我更加,唯恐他看见了我的心,(爱他的心)他因此怀了鬼胎以为我是不爱他。但他的骄傲脾气使他瞒着我,一点都没有表现,到此时才都明白了。) 因此我们觉得更亲密了。”

Kai-hui moved in with Mao, and they got married at the end of 1920. At the time, radicals shunned the old family rituals that cemented marriage, and a new registration system had yet to be adopted, so there was not even a formal certificate.

开慧搬来与毛同住,一九二0年底他们结了婚--虽然没有任何正式文件。那时旧的结婚仪式为激進青年所不齿,而新的国家登记制度又没有广泛建立起来,男女的结合只依靠个人的良心和感情。

On account of her marriage, Kai-hui was expelled from her missionary school. Mao’s affairs continued, and he actually started two new relationships soon after his marriage. A close friend of his at the time told us this, writing the characters bu-zhen, “unfaithful,” on the table with his finger. One of these liaisons was with a cousin of Kai-hui’s. When Kai-hui found out, she was so distraught that she hit her cousin, but she rarely made scenes, and stayed faithful to Mao. She was later to write with resignation:

为了这个结合,开慧最终付出了她的生命。眼前最直接的后果是被教会学校开除。毛继续着他的艳事,婚后不久又发展了两个女友。他当年的好友告诉我们这桩事时,用食指在桌上写下“不贞”二字。其中一个是开慧的表妹,开慧知道后,气得用手打她。但文雅而有教养的开慧鲜有吵闹,自己也始终不渝地忠实于毛。她后来写出她的无可奈何:

I learnt many more things, and gradually I came to understand him. Not just him, but human nature in all people. Anyone who has no physical handicap must have two attributes. One is sex drive, and the other is the emotional need for love. My attitude was to let him be, and let it be.

“我又知道了许多事情,我渐渐能够了解他,不但他,一切人的人性,凡生理上没有缺陷的人,一定有两件表现,一个是性欲冲动,一个是精神的爱的要求。我对他的态度是放任的,听其自然的。”

Kai-hui was by no means a conventional Chinese wife bound by tradition to endure her husband’s misconduct. In fact she was a feminist, and later wrote an essay on women’s rights: “Women are human beings, just as men are … Sisters! We must fight for the equality of men and women, and must absolutely not allow people to treat us as an accessory.”

开慧并非旧式妇女,按传统要求对丈夫有外遇睁一只眼闭一只眼。她其实是个女权主义者,写过雄纠纠的文章为妇女争权利。有一篇大声疾呼:“女子是一个“人”, 男子也是一个“人”……姊妹们!我们要做到男女平等,绝对不能容许人家把我们做附属品看。”

AT THE TIME OF Mao’s second marriage, Moscow was stepping up its efforts to foment subversion in China. It began secretly training a Chinese army in Siberia, and explored armed intervention in China, as it had just attempted, unsuccessfully, in Poland. Simultaneously, it was building up one of its largest intelligence networks anywhere in the world, with a KGB station already established in Shanghai, and numerous agents, both civilian and military (GRU), in other key cities, including Canton, and, of course, Peking.

毛结婚的那段日子,莫斯科加紧了在中国的活动。它开始在西伯利亚秘密训练一支中国军队,还编织了一张庞大的情报网,分散在中国各大城市,北京、上海、广州都有间谍。

On 3 June 1921, new top-level Moscow representatives arrived, both under pseudonyms—a Russian military intelligence man called Nikolsky and a Dutchman called Maring, who had been an agitator in the Dutch East Indies. These two agents told the CCP members in Shanghai to call a congress to formalize the Party. Letters went out to seven regions where contacts had been established, asking each to send two delegates and enclosing 200 yuan to each place to cover travel to Shanghai. One lot of invitations and money came to Mao in Changsha. Two hundred yuan was the equivalent of nearly two years’ salary from his teaching job, and far more than the trip could require. It was Mao’s first known cash payment from Moscow.

一九二一年六月三日,新的莫斯科代表来了。一个叫尼科尔斯基(Nikolsky),另一个是荷兰人马林,曾在荷属东印度群岛搞秘密工作。两人一到就叫在上海的中共机关召开“一大”。上海向七个地区发了信,叫每个地区派两名代表,每处寄两百银元充当旅费。长沙是七个地区之一,毛是联络人。两百银元差不多是他当小学教师两年的工资了。这是毛第一次接获莫斯科的资助。

He chose as his co-delegate a 45-year-old friend called Ho Shu-heng. They left quite secretively on the evening of 29 June in a small steamboat, under a stormy sky, declining the offers of friends to see them off. Although there was no law against Communist activities, they had reason to keep their heads down, as what they were engaged in was a conspiracy—collusion to establish an organization set up with foreign funding, with the aim of seizing power by illegal means.

毛挑四十五岁的朋友何叔衡作另一名代表。两人在六月二十九日傍晚起程。那天黑云蔽天好似暴雨将至,他们拒绝朋友送上轮船,朋友都感到奇怪,后来才知道他们是去参加中共“一大”。由外国出资搞政党活动旨在夺权,当然得秘密行事。

The CCP’s 1st Congress opened in Shanghai on 23 July 1921, attended by 13 people—all journalists, students or teachers—representing a total of 57 Communists, mostly in similar occupations. Not one was a worker. Neither of the Party’s two most prestigious members, Professors Li Ta-chao and Chen Tu-hsiu, was present, even though the latter had been designated the Party chief. The two Moscow emissaries ran the show.

中共“一大”七月二十三日在上海举行。有十三人参加,都是记者、学生或教师,代表全国大约五十七个同类职业的人,没有一个是工人。党的两位最有名望的成员李大钊和陈独秀都没出席,尽管陈已被莫斯科定为党的领袖。莫斯科的两名派员主持一切。

Maring, tall and mustachioed, made the opening speech in English, translated by one of the delegates. Participants seemed to recall its length—several hours—more than its content. Long speeches were rare in China at the time. Nikolsky was remembered as the one who made the short speech.

高个子、小胡子的马林用英文致开幕词,由一名代表译成中文。他一讲就是好几个小时,其冗长在当年的中国很少见,代表们多年后仍记忆犹新。

The presence of the foreigners, and the control they exercised, at once became an issue. The chair was allotted to one Chang Kuo-tao (later Mao’s major challenger), because he had been to Russia and had links with the foreigners. One delegate recalled that Kuo-tao at one point proposed canceling the resolution of the previous evening. “I confronted him: how is it that a resolution passed by the meeting could be canceled just like that? He said it was the view of the Russian representatives. I was extremely angry … ‘So we don’t need to have meetings, we just have orders from the Russians.’” The protest was in vain. Another delegate suggested that before they went along with the Russian plans they should investigate whether Bolshevism actually worked, and proposed sending one mission to Russia and one to Germany—a proposal that alarmed Moscow’s men, and was duly rejected.

“一大”由外国人主持马上就引起争议。代表陈公博回忆说:大会主席张国焘“提出取消昨夜的决议,我质问为甚么大会通过的决议可以取消。他说是俄国代表的意见。我真气急了,我说……这样不必开大会,只由俄人发命令算了。”有代表提出按俄国人的部署办之前,应该先派人到俄国去实地考察,另外也派人去德国考察比较。这个提议大大激怒了莫斯科的代表。

Mao spoke little and made little impact. Compared with delegates from the larger cities, he was something of a provincial, clad in a traditional cotton gown and black cotton shoes, rather than a European-style suit, the attire of many young progressives. He did not strive to impress, and was content mainly to listen.

在“一大”上毛泽东很少说话,没给人留下什么印象。跟那些出过国,或来自大城市的代表相比,他是个外省人,不像当时很多進步青年那样西装革履,而是穿着传统的长衫,脚蹬黑布鞋。他也没有竭力表现自己,只是留意倾听。

The meeting had started in a house in the French Settlement, and the police in these enclaves, known as “Concessions,” were vigilant about Communist activities. On the evening of 30 July a stranger barged in, and Maring, smelling a police spy, ordered the delegates to leave. The Chinese participants adjourned to a small town outside Shanghai called Jiaxing, on a lake strewn with water chestnuts. Moscow’s men stayed away from this final session for fear of attracting attention.

七月三十日,一位陌生人闯進开会的房子,马林认定这是个密探。代表们马上离开,移到附近小城嘉兴南湖上。莫斯科代表因为是外国人怕引人注目而没有前往。嘉兴南湖上满浮着水菱角,代表们绕藤行舟,在游艇上开完了会。由于没有莫斯科的人在场,“一大”什么决议也没作出,连宣言或党章也没有。

The wife of a Shanghai delegate hailed from the lakeside town, and she rented a pleasure boat, in which the delegates sat at a polished table where food, drinks and mahjong sets had been laid. A thick carved wooden screen separated this inner chamber from the open, but sheltered, front of the boat, where the delegate’s wife sat with her back against the screen. She told us how, when other boats passed, she would tap on the screen with her fan, and inside the mahjong tiles would click loudly as they were shuffled. Soon it started to pour, and the boat was enveloped in rain. In this dramatic setting, the Chinese Communist Party was proclaimed—somewhat inconclusively, as without Moscow’s men present no program could be finalized. The congress did not even issue a manifesto or charter.

The delegates were given another 50 yuan each as return fare. This enabled Mao to go off and do some sightseeing, in comfort, in Hangzhou and Nanjing, where he saw his girlfriend Si-yung again.*

代表们每人领到五十银元做回乡的川资。毛于是去游览了杭州、南京,与他迁居南京的女友陶斯咏重叙旧情。斯咏一九三一年病逝。

DEPENDENCE ON MOSCOW and Moscow’s money remained a sore point for many in the Party. Professor Chen, who came to Shanghai in late August to take up the post of Secretary, informed his comrades: “If we take their money, we have to take their orders.” He proposed, in vain, that none of them should be full-time professional revolutionaries, but instead should have independent jobs, and use them to spread the ideas of revolution.

陈独秀来到上海就任书记时,反对对卢布的依赖。他曾几次发作,说拿人家的钱就要跟人家走。他主张每人都有独立的职业,由此去发动革命,而不以革命为职业。他说:“事事要受人支配,令人难堪,中国也可以革命,何必一定要与国际发生关系。”有时他一连几星期不见马林,有时他大发脾气,拍桌子,摔茶碗。马林给他取的绰号是“火山”,总是避到隔壁房间去等他安静下来。

Chen argued vehemently with Maring about the latter’s insistence that the CCP was automatically a branch of the Comintern, and particularly over the notion that Nikolsky had to supervise all their meetings. “Do we have to be controlled like this?” he would shout. “It simply isn’t worth it!” Often he would refuse to see Maring for weeks running. Chen would yell, bang his palm on the table, and even throw teacups around. Maring’s nickname for him was “the volcano.” On the frequent occasions when Chen exploded, Maring would go next door to have a smoke while Chen tried to simmer down.

But without Moscow’s funding the CCP could not even begin to carry out any activities such as publishing Communist literature and organizing a labor movement. Over a nine-month period (October 1921–June 1922), out of its expenditure of 17,655 yuan, less than 6 percent was raised inside China, while over 94 percent came from the Russians, as Chen himself reported to Moscow. Indeed, there were many other Communist groups in China at the time—at least seven between 1920 and 1922, one claiming as many as 11,000 members. But without Russian funds, they all collapsed.

这样发泄一段时间后,现实主义占了上风。没有莫斯科出钱,中共连起码的发行宣传品,组织工运这样的活动也搞不起来。正如陈自己向莫斯科报告,从一九二一年十月到一九二二年六月的九个月内,中共支出的一万七千六百五十五元中,只有一千元出自中国,其他都来自莫斯科。没有卢布,中共就没法生存。当时在中国还有些共产主义团体,从一九二0到一九二二年起码有七个,其中一个号称有一万一千名成员,但没有莫斯科的资助,很快都风流云散。

Unlike Chen, Mao showed no qualms about taking Moscow’s money. He was a realist. Russian funding also transformed his life. After the congress he began to receive 60–70 yuan a month from the Party for the Hunan branch, soon increased to 100, and then 160–170. This large and regular income made a tremendous difference. Mao had always been short of money. He had two jobs, headmaster and small-time journalist, and he dreaded having to depend on these two occupations to make his living. In two letters written in late November 1920 to a friend, he had complained bitterly, saying: “a life just using the mouth and brain is misery to the extreme … I often go without a rest for 3 or 4 hours [sic], even working into the night … My life is really too hard.”

毛泽东不像陈独秀,他从来就不反对拿俄国人的钱。他很务实。“一大”以后,党每月寄给他六十到七十银元,作为湖南党的活动经费,不久就增加到一百银元,以后又增加到一百六、七十银元。这一笔很大的固定收入,从根本上改变了毛的生活。毛一向穷,总处在经济的压力下。他教小学,给报纸投投稿,活得很辛苦。他曾在给朋友的信中抱怨说:“我现在颇感觉专门用口用脑的生活是苦极了的生活”,“常常接连三四点钟不休息,甚或夜以继日……我的生活实在太劳了”。

Then he had told some friends: “In the future, I most likely will have to live on the salaries of these two jobs. I feel that jobs that use only the brain are very hard, so I am thinking of learning something that uses manual labour, like darning socks or baking bread.” As Mao had no fondness whatever for manual labor, to volunteer such an idea showed he had reached a dead end.

他还对新民学会会员说,他“将来多半要赖这两项工作的月薪来生活。现觉专用脑力的工作很苦,想学一宗用体力的工作,如打袜子、制面包之类。”向来不喜欢体力劳动的毛,居然说要做体力的活,说明他实在是难以支撑了。

But now he had a comfortable berth as a subsidized professional revolutionary. He gave up journalism, and even resigned his job as headmaster, able at last to enjoy the kind of existence he could hitherto only dream about. It seems to be now that he developed his lifelong habit of sleeping late into the day and staying up reading at night. In a letter to his old best friend Siao-yu written two months after the 1st Congress, he was almost ecstatic:

如今他一跃成了职业革命家,有了钱,把职务全辞了,开始享受迄今为止只能梦想的生活。大概就在此时,他形成了一生的习惯:晚上通宵达旦看书,早上不起床。给萧瑜的信中,他兴奋地说他从上海回湖南后专门调养自己,

I am now spending most of my time nursing my health, and have become much fitter. Now I feel extremely happy, because, apart from getting healthier, I don’t have any burden of work or responsibility. I am busy having good food every day, both indulging my stomach and improving my health. I also can read whatever books I want to read. It is really “Wow, what fun.”

“现在心里非常快活,因病既日好,又没有事务责任上重大负担:每天因操劳炊爨,口腹既饱,身体更快;还可随意看所要看的书,故大有“此间乐”的气概。”

To be able to eat his fill and read to his heart’s content was Mao’s idea of the good life.

In October 1921 he was able to set up house with Kai-hui, in a place called Clear Water Pond, and had enough money to afford servants. It was a lovely spot, where water flowed into a large pond and changed from muddy to clear, giving the place its name. The house was a traditional building, with black wooden beams and motley brick walls, overlooking fields of vegetables and backing on to low hills.

一九二一年十月,他跟开慧有了自己的家,雇了佣人。家在长沙城边,一开门是一片菜地,屋后是矮矮的山坡。那里有汪水塘,浊水到此便成了清水,故名清水塘。

In theory, the house was the office of the Hunan Party branch. As the provincial Party leader, one of Mao’s main tasks was to recruit members, but he did not throw much zeal into the cause. When he had first been asked to recruit for the Youth League in November 1920, he had delegated the job to someone else and gone off on holiday with his girlfriend Si-yung, claiming that he was off “to research education.”

Unlike most founding dictators—Lenin, Mussolini, Hitler—Mao did not inspire a passionate following through his oratory, or ideological appeal. He simply sought willing recruits among his immediate circle, people who would take his orders. His first recruit, his friend and bookshop manager Yi Li-rong, described how, soon after Mao came back from the 1st Congress, he called Yi out of the bookshop. Leaning against a bamboo fence in the yard, he told Yi that he ought to join the Party. Yi muttered some reservations about having heard that millions had died in the Russian Revolution; but, as he said, Mao “asked me to join and so I joined.” This was how Mao set up his first Party branch in Changsha. It consisted of just three men: himself, Yi, and the friend he had taken to the 1st Congress.

房子是中共经费买的,作湖南地区的机关。作为党在湖南的领导人毛的主要工作之一是发展党员。他没有八方奔走搜罗信徒,只是简单地告诉听他话的人参加。首先他发展了他的朋友、书社经理易礼容。从“一大”回来后不久,毛把易从书社叫出来,傍着竹篱跟他谈话,要他入党。易有保留,对毛说:“苏联革命死了三千万人……一百人中留七十,杀三十,我是没决心。”但易最后还是参加了,他的态度是:“毛主席要我参加我就参加了。”中共长沙支部就这样成立,有三人:毛本人、易礼容,还有毛带去“一大”的何叔衡。

The next to join were members of Mao’s family—his wife and his brothers, whom he had sent for from the village. Tse-min had been running the family business and was smart with money. He took charge of Mao’s finances. Mao summoned more relatives from their village to Changsha, and doled out various jobs. Some entered the Party. Outside his circle of family and friends, his recruiting was sparse. Mainly, he trawled very close to home.

然后毛发展了他的家庭成员。其中有在韶山老家管家的弟弟泽民,毛把他带出来,让他管钱。毛还从家乡带出别的亲戚,给他们一一安排了工作,有的也入了党。用易礼容的话说,湖南党“就是毛主席单线领导,指挥我们干什么就干什么,很少开什么会议。”

Actually, at the time, quite a lot of young people in Hunan were attracted to communism, including the man who was to become Mao’s No. 2 and president of China, Liu Shao-chi, and a number of other future Party leaders. But they were introduced to the Party not by Mao but by a Marxist in his fifties called Ho Min-fan, who had been county chief of Changsha. Min-fan sponsored Liu and others for membership in the Socialist Youth League in late 1920, and made the introductions for them to go to Russia. He himself did not get to go to the Party’s 1st Congress because the invitation was sent to Mao, who was extremely jealous of Min-fan, especially of his success at recruiting. When Liu Shao-chi returned from Moscow in 1922, Mao grilled him about how Min-fan had achieved this.

亲戚朋友之外,毛发展的党员不多。那时在湖南参加共产党的人,包括知名的刘少奇、任弼时,都不是毛介绍的,而是在长沙活动的另一个共产党人贺希明(又名贺民范)介绍加入社会主义青年团,后来转入共产党的。贺曾任过长沙知事,颇有声望。贺没去中共“一大”,是因为党在长沙的联络人是毛,而毛非常嫉妒贺。刘少奇从莫斯科回来后,毛盘问他贺是怎么介绍他们去苏俄的。

Once Mao became official CCP branch boss, he schemed to oust his unwitting rival. Min-fan ran a public lecture center which occupied a fine property, a grand clan temple called Boat Mountain. Claiming to need it for Party purposes, Mao moved in, together with his group, and made life so impossible for Min-fan that he ended up leaving both the premises and the Party milieu. Mao told Liu Shao-chi a year later that Min-fan, Liu’s mentor, had been “disobedient. So we drove him out of Boat Mountain.” By using the word “disobedient,” especially about someone much older, Mao was revealing his thuggish side. He had not behaved this way in his earlier persona. When he first met his friend, the liberal Siao-yu, Mao had bowed to show respect. He had been courteous to his peers and superiors alike. A taste of power had altered his behavior.* From this time on, Mao’s friendships were only with people who would not challenge him, and these were largely apolitical. He was not friends with any of his political colleagues, and hardly ever socialized with them.

毛一正式成为湖南党的头,就着手把贺希明从党的圈子里赶出去。贺当时主办一所相当大的公众演讲厅,叫船山学社,青瓦朱门,墙边几株古树,气宇轩昂。毛宣布要用这个地方做党的工作,率领一帮人搬了進去,让贺的日子很不好过,最后不得不离开--既离开学社,也离开党。毛第二年对刘少奇说:贺“不听话”,“大家把贺希明从船山学校赶走”。贺当时五十来岁,比毛大一倍,而毛用“不听话”这样的字眼,足见毛放肆的一面。毛从前对同辈长辈都彬彬有礼,第一次见到萧瑜时,他曾谦恭地向萧鞠躬,说自己如何欣赏萧的文章。现在他有了点权了,举止开始变了,朋友都得顺着他了。毛的朋友都是政治上与他无争的人,同事很少作朋友。

Removing Min-fan was Mao’s first power struggle. And he won. Under Mao, there was no Party committee. Meetings were rare. There was just Mao giving orders, though he took care to report regularly to Shanghai, as required.

赶走贺希明是毛的第一次权力斗争,他赢了。在毛领导下,湖南党没有委员会,只有毛发命令。但他总是精明地准时向上海打报告。

MAO WAS DOING NOTHING about another major task, which was to organize labor unions. He felt no more sympathy for workers than he did for peasants. Writing to a friend in November 1920, in which he complained about his own conditions as an intellectual, he remarked: “I think labourers in China do not really suffer poor physical conditions. Only scholars suffer.”

毛的另一个主要任务是组织工会。但他少有作为。他对劳工没有什么同情,正如他对农民一样。一九二0年十一月他给朋友写信,抱怨自己作为读书人生活苦不堪言,然后说:“我看中国下力人身体并不弱,身体弱就只有读书人。”

In December 1921, workers in Anyuan, an important mining center straddling the Hunan–Jiangxi border, wrote asking the Communists for help, and Mao went up to the mine—the first time on record that he went near any workers. He stayed a few days and then left, delegating the practical work to someone else. After this brief dip in the grimy world of the coal miners, he told Shanghai that he had come “to his wits 'end' with “the workers organisation.”

一九二一年十二月,湘赣交界处的安源煤矿工人写信给共产党人,要求帮助,毛去了煤矿。这是有记载的毛第一次接近工人。

There were effective labor organizers around, though, especially two non-Communists who founded a Hunan Labor Union and recruited more than 3,000 of the approximately 7,000 workers in Changsha. The two were arrested in January 1922 while leading a big strike. In the small hours, they were executed—hacked to death in the traditional manner, an event that gave rise to a storm of protest nationwide. When the governor who killed them was later asked why he did not target Mao, his answer was that he had not seen Mao as a threat.

他只待了几天就走了,让其他人去做具体工作。据马林笔记:毛报告说,他对组织劳工是一筹莫展,想不出任何办法。”在长沙有两个卓有成效的劳工组织者:黄爱、庞人铨。他们一九二0年底成立了独立的湖南劳工会,两个月内长沙的七千工人中就有三千加入。这两人在一九二二年一月领导大罢工时被捕,随即被砍了头。他们的被害在全国激起轩然大波。有人后来问杀他们的省长赵恒惕为什么没捉毛泽东,赵回答说:毛没对他构成威胁。

IT WAS THANKS TO HIS ineffectiveness at organizing labor and recruiting that Mao was dropped from the Party’s 2nd Congress in July 1922. This was a most important occasion, as it passed a charter and endorsed joining the Comintern, thus formally accepting outright Moscow control. Later, Mao tried to explain away his absence by claiming that he “intended to attend” but “forgot the name of the place where it was to be held, could not find any comrades, and missed it.”

既然毛在组织劳工和发展党员上不力,中共一九二二年七月开第二次代表大会便没让毛当代表。毛后来对斯诺称他“本想参加,可是忘记了开会的地点,又找不到任何同志,结果错过了这次大会”。漏掉毛是不可能的:“二大”组织严密,会上还通过了一系列重要决议,包括加入共产国际。

In fact, Mao knew plenty of Party people in Shanghai, including some of the delegates, and there was no chance that he could have accidentally missed what was a very formal occasion.

His absence from the congress meant that he might lose his position as the Party boss in Hunan. Russian funds would no longer come through him, and he would have to take orders from someone else. This prospect spurred him to act: first he visited a lead and zinc mine in April 1922, and in May he went back to Anyuan, the coal-mining center. He also led a number of demonstrations and strikes. On 24 October, when Kai-hui gave birth to their first child, a son, Mao was not with her, as he was away negotiating on behalf of the builders’ union. He gave their son the name An-ying: An was a generation name; ying meant “an outstanding person.”

没当上“二大”代表对毛是沉重打击。这意味着他可能失去湖南党领导人的地位,俄国人资助的钱也就不会经过他了。所以毛一听说“二大”代表没他,立刻变得十分积极。四月他去了一个铅锌矿,五月又再去安源煤矿。他开始领导罢工游行。十月二十四日,妻子开慧生下了他们的第一个儿子岸英,毛没在她身边,他在代表泥木工会跟政府谈判。

Mao also finally set up a Hunan Party committee at the end of May, a year after being made Hunan boss. It had thirty members, most of them not recruited by himself.* The future president, Liu Shao-chi, described on his deathbed how the committee worked under Mao. “I had many meetings at Chairman Mao’s house,” he wrote, “and apart from asking questions, I had no chance to speak at all. In the end, it was always what Chairman Mao said that went … the Party in Hunan already had its own leader and its own distinctive style—different from the Party in Shanghai.” Liu was putting on record as explicitly as he could that Mao had already started behaving dictatorially in the earliest days of the Party.

湖南党的“委员会”也赶着在五月成立。这时,毛做湖南党领导人已近一年了。湖南党有三十多名党员,大部分不是毛发展的。刘少奇曾这样描述委员会的运作:他多次在毛家里开会,但除了“有时问一问情况之外,根本无法发言,最后,总是照毛主席意见办理。这就是说,湖南党内已经有了自己的领袖,自己的作风,而当时在上海党内就还没有形成这样的作风。”刘在此委婉地陈述毛在建党初期就已经形同专制者了。

Meanwhile, as Mao worked to mend fences with the center of power, he had a lucky break. In January 1923 most of the CCP cadres working in Shanghai found themselves at odds with an order from Moscow to do something seemingly bizarre, and arbitrary: to join another political party, the Nationalists (also known as the Kuomintang, or KMT). Moscow needed provincial Communists who would support its position—and found Mao.

就在毛努力向上海表现时,他的运气来了。一九二三年初,上海中央的大多数人员,从陈独秀起,与莫斯科代表发生激烈争执,反对莫斯科要中共加入另一个政党:国民党。莫斯科代表马林急需地方上的中共党员支持他,而毛正是这样一个人。

THE NATIONALIST PARTY had been founded in 1912 by the merger of a number of Republican groups. Its leader was Sun Yat-sen, who had briefly been the first provisional president of the Republic, before losing power to the army chief Yuan Shih-kai. Since then, Sun had been trying to form his own army and overthrow the Peking government.

国民党建于民国初年,领袖是民国成立时的临时大总统孙中山。孙当总统没多久就被迫让位给掌握军权的袁世凯,自己被排斥于北京中央政府之外。孙一心想组织军队推翻北京政府取而代之,屡屡失败后,他跟苏俄拉上了关系。

This objective led Sun to embrace Moscow. The Russians shared his goal of subverting the Peking government, as it was refusing its consent to their occupation of Outer Mongolia, which was then Chinese territory. The CCP was far too small to topple the Peking government, so Moscow’s envoys looked round among various provincial potentates, and found that the only one willing to accept the Soviet presence was Sun.

苏俄也想颠覆北京政府。它那时正致力于把尚为中国领土的外蒙古从中国分割出去,变成它的势力范围,北京政府由此对它满怀戒心与敌意。苏俄希望一个跟它亲近的人当权,中共太小,成不了事,莫斯科便试探了不同的地方军阀,曾特别寄希望于吴佩孚。但找的人都坚持要苏俄军队撤出外蒙古。只有孙中山不要求苏俄撤军。虽然孙说他反对蒙古独立,但他对苏俄代表越飞(Adolf Joffe)说:“苏俄军队应该留在那里。”越飞告诉莫斯科:“他根本不反对我们军队在库伦驻扎。”

Sun was based in Canton, the capital of the southern coastal province of Guangdong. He asked the Russians to help him build a force strong enough to conquer China. In September 1922 he told a Russian envoy that he wanted to establish “an army with arms and military matériel supplies from Russia.”

In return, as well as endorsing the Soviet occupation of Outer Mongolia, Sun proposed that Russia occupy the huge mineral-rich province of Xinjiang in the northwest. Russia’s chief envoy, Adolf Joffe, reported in November that Sun “asks that one of our divisions should take Xinjiang … where there are only 4,000 Chinese troops and there cannot be any resistance.” He suggested to the Russians that they invade from Xinjiang deep into the heartland of China, as far as Chengdu in Sichuan, on his behalf.

作为交换,孙中山要苏俄帮他建立军队,推翻北京政府。为此他不仅赞同苏俄军队继续占领外蒙,还主动提议苏俄進占矿藏富有的新疆。越飞十一月报告莫斯科,孙“请求我们的一个师夺取新疆,说那里只有四千名中国军人,不可能進行任何抵抗创。孙甚至要求苏俄军队一直打到四川首府成都,帮助他夺权。

Not only did Sun have big ambitions and few scruples, he had a sizable party with thousands of registered members, and a territorial base with a major seaport at Canton. So in early January 1923 the Soviet Politburo decided: “Give full backing to the Nationalists,” with “money [from] the reserve funds of the Comintern.” The decision was signed by the up-and-coming Stalin, who had begun to take a close interest in China. Sun had thus become, as Joffe told Lenin, “our man” (italics in original). His price was “2 million Mexican dollars maximum,” roughly 2 million gold rubles. “Isn’t all this worth 2 million roubles?” Joffe asked.

孙是“我们的人”, 越飞加了重点记号报告列宁。他的要价“最多不过是二百万墨西哥元(相当于差不多同样数字的金卢布)”,“难道所有这一切不值得我们花那二百万卢布吗?”孙还占据南方沿海的广东省,苏俄可以方便地运進武器装备。苏共政治局一九二三年初做出了决议:“全力支持国民党。”“钱由共产国际基金支付。”这个决议是由正崛起的新星斯大林(Joseph Stalin)签署的,斯大林此时开始密切关注中国。

Moscow knew that Sun had his own agenda, and was trying to use Russia, just as Russia was trying to use him. It wanted its local client, the CCP, to be right there on the spot to ensure that Sun toed Moscow’s line and served Moscow’s interest. So it ordered the Chinese Communists to join the Nationalist Party. In a secret session, Stalin spelled out: “we cannot give directives out of here, Moscow, openly. We do this through the Communist Party of China and other comrades in camera, confidentially …”

莫斯科知道孙中山有他自己的算盘,他想利用俄国人,正如俄国人利用他一样。莫斯科希望用中共从国民党内部来左右孙中山。这就是它为什么命令中共加入国民党。斯大林在一个内部讲话中说:“从这里,莫斯科,我们不能公开地发命令。我们通过中国共产党和其他隐藏的同志发命令,秘密地发。”

Moscow wanted to use the CCP as a Trojan horse to manipulate the much bigger Nationalist Party; but all CCP leaders, starting from Professor Chen, opposed joining Sun’s party, on the grounds that it rejected communism and that Sun was just another “lying,” “unscrupulous” politician out for power. Moscow was told that sponsoring Sun was “wasting the blood and sweat of Russia, and perhaps the blood and sweat of the world proletariat.”

包括陈独秀在内的几乎所有中共领导都反对加入国民党,理由是国民党不赞成共产主义,而孙中山只是个“不择手段的”政客,想的无非是权力,资助孙只会是“浪费俄国的血汗,或许还有世界无产阶级的血汗”。

Maring, the Comintern envoy, faced a revolt. This is almost certainly why Mao was brought to Party HQ. The pragmatic Mao embraced Moscow’s strategy. He promptly joined the Nationalist Party himself. A more fervent Communist, actually an old friend of Mao’s, Cai He-sen, told the Comintern that when Maring put forward the slogan “All work for the Nationalists,” “its [only] supporter was Mao.”

面临反抗的马林,于是把毛调来中央。毛马上加入了国民党。他从前的朋友蔡和森,一个狂热的共产主义信徒,后来向共产国际抱怨说,当马林提出“集全力于国民党的工作”的口号时,“赞成他的只有毛”。

Mao did not believe in his tiny Party’s prospects, or that communism had any broad appeal. He made this crystal-clear at the CCP’s 3rd Congress in June 1923. The only hope of creating a Communist China, he said, was by means of a Russian invasion. Mao “was so pessimistic,” Maring (who chaired the congress) reported, “that he saw the only salvation of China in the intervention by Russia,” telling the congress “that the revolution had to be brought into China from the north by the Russian army.” This was in essence what happened two decades later.

毛拥护加入国民党,是因为他不相信只有一两百人的共产党靠意识形态能有什么前途。在中共一九二三年六月召开的“三大”上,他说中国实现共产主义的唯一可能性是俄国人打進来。主持大会的马林向莫斯科报告:毛“实在太悲观了,他认为中国的唯一希望是俄国干涉”。“革命得由俄国军队从北边带進来。”毛是有远见的,没有二十二年后抗战结束时的苏联出兵,就没有中共的江山。

His enthusiasm for the Moscow line shot Mao into the core of the Party, under Maring. There he exerted himself as never before, now that he could see hope in what he was doing. Moscow’s chief bagman in China, Vilde, who doubled as the Soviet vice-consul in Shanghai, singled out Mao and one other person in a report to Moscow as “most definitely, good cadres.” Mao was appointed the assistant to Party chief Professor Chen, with responsibility for correspondence, documents, and taking the minutes at meetings. All Party letters had to be co-signed by him and Chen. In imitation of Chen, Mao signed with an English signature: T. T. Mao. One of the first things Chen and he did was to write to Moscow for more money—“now that our work front is expanding.”

跟国民党合作,有苏俄在后面全力援助,包括提供军援,使毛看到了希望,他第一次倾其才能为党工作。莫斯科负责给中共提供钱的维尔德(S.L.Ville,驻上海副领事)特地报告莫斯科:毛“毫无疑问是个好同志”。由马林做主,毛当上了中央局秘书,协助陈独秀处理日常通信,管理文件,在开会时作记录。党的函件都由陈与他签字。学着陈,毛也用英文签名:T.T.Mao, 他和陈首先做的事之一是向莫斯科要更多的钱:“因为我们工作战线逐渐地扩大,我们的开支也增加了。”

HAVING SHEPHERDED its local Communist clients into the Nationalists, Moscow now sent a higher-level operator to control both the CCP and the Nationalists and to coordinate their actions. Mikhail Borodin, a charismatic agitator, was appointed Sun Yat-sen’s political adviser at Stalin’s recommendation in August 1923. A veteran of revolutionary activities in America, Mexico and Britain, he was a good orator, with a powerful voice, a dynamic organizer and a shrewd strategist (he was the first person to recommend that the Chinese Communists should move to northwest China to get near the Russian border, which they did a decade later). He inspired descriptions like “majestic,” and radiated energy even when ill.

在莫斯科的坚持下,中国共产党人加入了国民党。一九二三年八月,能干的鲍罗廷(Mikhail Borodin)根据斯大林的提议来到中国主管国共两党,名义是孙中山的顾问。鲍罗廷是老资格的革命家,在美国、墨西哥、英国都留下了显着的足迹。人们用“雄伟”一词来形容他,他即使生病也能保持伟岸的姿态。他既善于演讲,声如洪钟,又精于组织,还颇具远见。

Borodin reorganized the Nationalists on the Russian model, dubbing their institutions with Communist names, such as Propaganda Department. At the Nationalists’ First Congress in Canton, in January 1924, Mao and many other Chinese Communists took part, and the tiny CCP secured a disproportionate number of posts.

鲍罗廷按苏联意旨改组了国民党。一九二四年一月,他操纵国民党在广州召开第一次全国代表大会,会上毛泽东等中共党人非常活跃,只有九百人的中共在拥有数以万计成员的国民党中占据了一连串要职。

Moscow now started to bankroll the Nationalists in a big way. Most importantly, it funded and trained an army, and established a military academy. Set on a picturesque island in the Pearl River some ten kilometers from Canton, the Whampoa Academy was modeled on Soviet institutions, with Russian advisers and many Communist teachers and students. Planes and artillery were shipped in from Soviet Russia, and it was thanks to Russian-trained troops, backed in the field by cohorts of Soviet advisers, that the Nationalists were able to expand their base substantially.

莫斯科向这个新国民党投入大量资本,出钱建立、出人训练国民党军队,一手操办黄埔军校,为国民党培训军官。军校坐落在珠江一个小岛上,离广州十公里,完全是苏联模式,有苏联顾问,还有许多共产党教官与学员。飞机大炮从苏联海运而至。在苏联人帮助下,国民党大大扩展了在广东的基地。

Mao was very active in the Nationalist Party, and became one of sixteen alternate members to its top body, the Central Executive Committee. For the rest of the year, he did most of his work in the Nationalist office in Shanghai. It was Mao who helped form the Hunan Nationalist branch, which became one of the biggest.

毛成为国民党中央执行委员会十六个候补委员之一,在国民党上海执行部工作了一年。其间,毛组建了国民党湖南支部,是国民党中最大的支部之一。毛尽心尽力为国民党工作,甚至很少出席共产党的会议。

Mao even went as far as seldom attending meetings of his own Party. His keenness about working with the Nationalists drew fire from his fellow Communists. His old—and more ideological—friend Cai later complained to the Comintern that in Hunan “our organisation lost almost all political significance. All political questions were decided in the Nationalist provincial committee, not in the Communist Party Provincial Committee.” Another dedicated labor organizer concurred: “Mao at that time was against an independent trade union movement for workers.”

毛的做法在共产党内引起不满。蔡和森对共产国际说:在湖南,我们的组织失去了几乎所有的政治意义。所有的政治问题都由国民党的省党部来决定,而不是由共产党的省委员会决定。”另一个执着的劳工组织者邓中夏也说:“毛那时反对独立[于国民党]的工会运动。”

Moreover, Mao suddenly found himself cold-shouldered by some of Moscow’s envoys, as his patron Maring had left China the previous October. Although Mao got on well with Borodin, he struggled to defend himself against the ideological purists. Moscow had ordered the Chinese Communists to keep their separate identity and independence, while infiltrating the Nationalists, but the ideologically woolly Mao could not draw the line between the parties. On 30 March 1924, one of these ideologue envoys, Sergei Dalin, wrote to Voitinsky:

不仅中共的人,莫斯科的代表也向毛开火。毛的庇护人马林这时已经离开中国。虽然毛跟鲍罗廷关系不错,但反对毛的苏联人势力也不小。莫斯科的命令是中共一方面要在国民党内工作,一方面要保持自己的独立性,绝不能忘记他们跟国民党不是一家人。毛看不出这两个党有什么区别。一九二四年三月三十日,莫斯科代表达林(Sergei Dalin)给维经斯基写信说:“中共中央局秘书毛泽东(毫无疑问是个马林安插的人)说的话简直使你毛骨悚然。比方他说国民党过去是、现在也是无产阶级的党,共产国际应该承认它是一个支部……我已经写信给党的中央局要求他们换人。”

What you would hear from CC [Central Committee] Secretary Mao (undoubtedly a placeman of Maring’s) would make your hair stand on end—for instance, that the [Nationalist Party] was and is a proletarian party and must be recognised by the Communist International as one of its sections … This character represented the Party in the Socialist Youth League … I have written to the Party’s CC and asked it to appoint another representative.

Mao was duly fired from this position. Criticized as “opportunistic” and “right-wing,” he found himself kicked out of the Central Committee, and was not even invited to attend the next CCP congress scheduled for January 1925.* His health now took a downturn, and he grew thin and ill. A then house-mate and colleague told us that Mao had “problems in his head … he was preoccupied with his affairs.” His nervous condition was reflected in his bowels, which sometimes moved only once a week. He was to be plagued by constipation—and obsessed by defecation—all his life.

对毛的批评还有“机会主义”、“右倾”等等。他被排斥出中央局,即将在一九二五年初召开的“四大”代表名单上也没有他。在一撸到底的重击之下,毛的身体明显地虚弱了,人大大消瘦。当时跟他住在一起的罗章龙告诉我们说,毛的病是“思想上的病,他在想自己的事”。有时他一星期才大便一次。此后毛一生都为便秘所苦。

Mao was edged out of Shanghai at the end of 1924. He returned to Hunan, but not to any Party position, and the only place to go was his home village of Shaoshan, where he arrived on 6 February 1925 with over 50 kg of books, claiming he was “convalescing.” He had been with the Communist Party for over four years—years full of ups and downs. At the age of thirty-one, his lack of ideological clarity and fervor had landed him back in his family property. Mao’s setbacks during these initial years of the CCP are still kept tightly covered up. Mao did not want it known that he had been ineffectual at Party work, or extremely keen on the Nationalist Party (which became the main enemy for the Communists in the years to come)—or that he was ideologically rather vague.

“四大”即将召开,毛别无选择,只得离开上海回湖南。在湖南他也没有党的职位。一九二五年二月六日,他回到韶山老屋,携带着五十多公斤的书,说是回家养病。此时,他在共产党内已经四年多了,经历了沉浮荣辱,三十一岁那年,家乡韶山是唯一的归宿。

*Si-yung was to die of illness in 1931.

*Siao-yu parted company with Mao around now, and later became a Nationalist government official. He died in Uruguay in 1976.

*Total Party membership nationwide was 195 as of the end of June 1922.

*The CCP at that point had 994 members.