50 THE CHAIRMAN'S NEW OUTFIT
50 新当权者
(1967–70 •AGE 73–76)
1967～1970 年 73～76 岁
BY EARLY 1967, Mao had axed millions of Party officials and replaced them mainly with army men. But he immediately found himself facing problems with the replacements. Most lacked sufficient brutality, and often protected and even re-employed purged officials, a feat they achieved by enlisting Mao's hypocritical remark that “most of the old cadres are all right.” This was bad enough, but there was an additional cause for concern on Mao's part. He had to rely on army officers to choose Rebels to staff the new set-up. The trouble was that in every region and institution there were different, rival groups, all calling themselves Rebels, and the military tended to incorporate the more moderate ones, even though Mao told them to promote “the Left,” i.e., those harshest in persecuting “capitalist-roaders.”
一九六七年初，毛泽东清洗了数以百万计的各级干部，主要用军队的人来替换他们。但军队立即给毛带来新的难题。新当权者中必须有造反派的参与，而号称造反派的组织多如牛毛，互相竞争，毛只能依赖军队来选择。不少军队干部倾向选择对走资派比较温和的派别，用中国当时的话说，就是不那么“左”的人。如果让军队这样干下去，文革等于没有搞。
If the army men were allowed to have their way, Mao's revenge would be incomplete. More important, if these new army enforcers turned out to be like the old officials, he would be back where he started. He had intended the Great Purge to install much more merciless enforcers.
One place that was giving Mao a headache was the city of Wuhan, his favorite spot for symbolic swims in the Yangtze. The commander there, Chen Zai-dao, had joined the Red Army in 1927 as a poverty-stricken peasant of eighteen, and risen through the ranks. General Chen was deeply averse to the Cultural Revolution, and had even shown sympathy for Mao's primary target, Liu Shao-chi. In the province under his control, he reinstated large numbers of old officials, disbanded the most militant Rebel groups and arrested their leaders. In May 1967, when the moderates united into a province-wide organization called “the Million Peerless Troops,” which boasted a membership of 1.2 million, he supported them.
不遂毛意的地方之一是他爱去游泳的武汉。军区司令员陈再道出身穷苦农民，十八岁参加红军，从排长一直升到上将。陈对文革非常反感，不加掩饰地表示过对刘少奇的同情。他在湖北“解放”了一大批干部，解散了下手最狠的造反派组织，抓了它们的骨干。一九六七年五月，温和派们联合起来成立了一个号称拥有一百二十万之众的“百万雄师”，陈支持这个组织加入新当权者的行列。
In mid-July, Mao came to Wuhan in person to order General Chen to change his position. Assuming that General Chen would just cave in, Mao planned then to use Wuhan as an example to get army units all over the country to follow suit.
七月中旬，毛亲自出马来到武汉，叫陈再道改变立场。毛以为此举易如反掌，打算在陈再道照办后，用武汉给全国军队做榜样。
But Mao was in for a huge shock. When he told General Chen that the Peerless was a “Conservative” organization, and that the military had committed grave errors in backing it, Chen told Mao to his face: “We don't admit that.”
令毛泽东大吃一惊的是，当他的指示被传达给陈再道，说“百万雄师”不算造反派，是“保守组织”，武汉军区支持它是叫犯了方向路线错误”后，陈当面顶撞毛说：“我们不承认犯了方向路线错误。”
Next came something equally unheard-of: rank-and-file members of the Peerless, together with sympathizers in the army, reacted to Mao's verdict with defiance. On the night of 19–20 July, when the message was relayed to them by military and civilian grandees whom Mao had brought with him from Peking, outraged crowds took to the streets, with hundreds of trucks carrying nearly 1,000 soldiers with machine-guns, as well as tens of thousands of workers armed with iron bars. The demonstrators blasted protests through loudspeakers at Mao's villa compound. Many knew that this ultra-mysterious, top-security lakeside estate was Mao's, and, seeing the lights on, guessed that he was in residence. Though no one dared to attack Mao openly, giant posters in the streets carried slogans attacking the Small Group and its leader, Mme Mao, indirectly aiming at Mao himself: “Jiang Qing keep away from power!” “Chairman Mao is being hoodwinked!” General Chen received extraordinary letters; one even urged him to “use your power … to wipe off the face of the Earth those worst dictators in the world who want no history and no culture …”
一般的“百万雄师”成员，还有跟他们交上朋友的军队官兵，反应更为强烈。七月二十日凌晨，他们涌上大街游行示威，反对这个指示。几百辆卡车载着数万手持长矛铁棍的工人，上千名带枪的官兵，车顶架着机关枪，到处是沸腾的愤怒情绪。人们只敢公开反对“中央文革”，但矛头暗地里指向毛。他们看到神秘的“东湖宾馆” 的灯亮着，猜到毛来了住在那里，车上高音喇叭对着宾馆大声抗议。大街上出现的标语有“江青靠边站”、“毛主席受了蒙蔽”。陈将军收到许多声援信，其中一封请求他用他的权力，“一不做，二不休……把这些不要历史、不要文化、世界上空前的独裁分子从地球上消灭”。
Most scary for Mao, hundreds of demonstrators and armed soldiers broke into the grounds of his villa, and got within a stone's throw of him, carrying off a key member of his entourage, Small Group member Wang Li, who took a fearsome beating.
接下去数百名老百姓跟带枪的战士，冲進毛住的东湖宾馆大院里，直冲到离毛住的楼不远处，把住在另一幢楼里的“中央文革”成员王力一顿饱打后抓了去。
Never in eighteen years of compulsive, all-inclusive, self-protection had Mao faced so concrete a threat, both to his personal safety and to his sense of total power.
自掌权以来毛的安全还未受到过这样的威胁。
Chou En-lai, who had come to Wuhan ahead of Mao to arrange his security, had just returned to Peking, but had to fly straight back with 200 fully armed Praetorian Guards. He reverted smoothly to his old underground style, though this time operating in the state whose prime minister he was: waiting until dark before proceeding to Mao's place, changing clothes and donning dark glasses. At 2:00 AM on 21 July, Mao was whisked away through the back door of his villa. All his three forms of transportation were on standby—his special train, his plane, and warships. Mao gave the order to leave by train, but once he was on board he switched to a plane—though not his own. The pilot was not told the destination, Shanghai, until he was airborne.
刚从武汉返回北京的周恩来，立马转身再飞武汉，带来二百多名全副武装的中央警卫团人员。周把当年做地下工作的一套拿出来，到武汉后等到天黑，再乘汽车驶向毛的住地，还换了衣服，戴上墨镜。七月二十一日凌晨两点，毛乘夜色从东湖宾馆后门尴尬离去。三套交通工具同时待命：专列、专机、长江上还有舰艇。毛先说坐专列走，上了专列，他又说乘专机。赶到机场后，他没有上自己的专机，上了另一架飞机。机长问飞哪里，毛答：“先飞起来再说。”等飞机升空后毛才下令飞往上海。
This was Mao's last flight ever—and it was a flight. Soldiers rampaging right inside his estate was something utterly unthinkable. So was a demonstration openly hostile to his orders—and moreover, one involving fully armed troops.
这是毛最后一次坐飞机，对他而言也是逃命。荷枪实弹的人群居然闯進他的住地混乱地拥挤抓打，这简直是不可思议。成千上万的群众游行，对他的指示公开表示敌意，游行的队伍中还有武装军人。当伟大领袖以来，毛还没有这般狼狈过。
The regime acted swiftly to show that it would not tolerate Wuhan. Chou got Small Group member Wang Li released, and embraced him demonstratively, putting his unshaven cheek to his. Wang Li returned to Peking to a staged welcome the like of which the country had never seen. A crowd of tens of thousands greeted him at Peking airport, headed by a teary Chou. This was followed by a million-strong rally on Tiananmen Square, presided over by Lin Biao.
留在武汉的周恩来把王力保了出来，见到王力时同他拥抱，把自己几天未刮胡子的脸同王力的脸贴来贴去，还流了眼泪。王力坐飞机回到北京时，特意先到的周恩来在机场率领数万人欢迎他。天安门广场举行了百万人大会声讨武汉，王力、周恩来登楼，林彪主持。
General Chen was purged, and replaced by a man of unquestioning loyalty to Lin Biao. Army units involved in the defiance were disbanded, and sent to do forced labor. The Peerless disintegrated, and those who tried to hold out were physically beaten into collapse. Over the next few months, as many as 184,000 ordinary citizens and cadres were injured, crippled or killed in the province. General Chen and his deputies were ordered to Peking. There something else extraordinary happened, probably a world “first.” The Wuhan generals were beaten up—and not in some squalid dungeon, but at a Politburo meeting chaired by Chou En-lai. The perpetrators were senior officers headed by air force commander-in-chief Wu Fa-xian. The scene in the Politburo chamber was just like a street denunciation meeting, with the victims made to stand bent double, their arms twisted back in the jet-plane position, while they were punched and kicked. General Chen was knocked down and trampled on. Even in Mao's gangster world, for the Politburo to become the scene of physical violence was unprecedented.
陈再道被撤职，由忠于林彪的武汉空军将领刘丰代替。卷入抗议事件的部队被改编，有的官兵押送农场劳改。“百万雄师”被解散，不肯屈服的被武力打垮。据后来官方统计，打伤打残打死的军人、干部、老百姓多达十八万四千人。陈再道和几名同事被召到北京，“坐喷气式”，拳打脚踢，陈低头弯腰六、七个钟头，被踢倒在地。这一切都不是发生在街头的批斗会上，也不是发生在不见天日的地牢中，而是在周恩来主持的政治局会议里，打手们是空军司令吴法宪率领的高级军官。即使在流氓当道的文革中，政治局会议成了打人场所也还是独一无二。在世界政治史上恐怕也属首创。
THE UPRISING IN Wuhan led Mao to conclude that over 75 percent of army officers were unreliable. He had a stab at initiating a huge purge among the military, and started denouncing “capitalist-roaders within the army,” but he had to pull back almost immediately. Having sacked most civilian officials, he simply could not afford to create more enemies in what was now his only power base.
武汉发生的事使毛又气又急，他认为百分之七十五的军队干部靠不住，决定在军内搞清洗，抓“军内走资派”。
Mao had to placate the army, so he threw it a few sops, pretending that he was not responsible for having tried to purge it. One sop was Small Group member Wang Li, of the Wuhan episode. Mao now made him a scapegoat. On 30 August, Wang Li was arrested. Hardly a month before, he had stood on Tiananmen Gate being hailed by a million people as the hero of Wuhan, the only occasion when leaders ever lined up there without Mao. Actually, this prominence was his undoing. The sight of him on Tiananmen, Mao's preserve, annoyed the Great Helmsman, who said Wang Li had “got too big for his boots, and must be cut down to size.”
但毛很快改变了主意。他已经打倒了大部分地方干部，军队里不能再过多地树敌。军队的稳定至关紧要。毛装作军队受冲击不是他的意思，是“中央文革”几个人假传圣旨，把王力、关锋、戚本禹三人先后抛出做替罪羊。王力是八月三十日被捕的。一个月前，他还是耀武扬威的武汉事件英雄，在天安门城楼上受到百万大众的欢呼。欢呼的对象不是毛，这是绝无仅有的。荣耀的顶端也埋下了王力倒楣的根子。看到王力站在天安门城楼上，对着摄影机，一边是林彪，一边是周恩来，毛泽东心里不痛快，说王力现在“膨胀起来了，要消肿”。王力跟着就進了监狱。
Purging Wang Li, however, did not solve Mao's problem. He still had to find a way to make sure the new army enforcers would be men who would do what they were told unconditionally. To select such men, he depended on Lin Biao, who had to dig into the second tier of the army to find them. Mao thus found that he had no alternative but to allow Lin to turn the army leadership into a personal fiefdom, run by Lin's cronies and working on the basis of what amounted to gang loyalty. On 17 August 1967, Mao authorized Lin to form a new body called “the Administration Office” to run the army. This consisted of Lin's wife and a few generals who owed their careers, and sometimes even their lives, to Lin.
军队稳定了，但用谁、选谁做新当权者，还是需要解决的问题。毛不得不靠林彪，也不得不让林彪把军队的管理机构变成林的私家班子。一九六七年八月十七日，毛授权林彪成立“军委办事组”负责管军队。“办事组”成员是叶群外加几个亲信将军，他们不仅靠林飞黄腾达，有的还靠林救了性命。
Typical of these was General Qiu Hui-zuo, the head of Army Logistics. At the beginning of the Cultural Revolution he had been denounced and beaten up. One of his ribs was broken, and his shoulder joints and muscles severely torn. He passed out on stage and was brought around by cold water for more beatings. Just when he thought he was going to die, an order came from Lin Biao to release him. He wrote afterwards to the Lins: “Hour 0:40 on 25 Jan 1967 was the moment of my second life, the moment I, my wife and children will never forget …”
其中之一是总后勤部长邱会作。文革初期，邱受到残酷批斗，肋骨被打断，肩胛骨骨膜、肌肉断裂，造成终身残废。他晕过去又被冷水泼醒再打。就在他觉得自己快要不行了的时候，林彪的手令到来，下令放他。他事后给林的效忠信说：“一九六七年一月二十五日零点四十分，是我新生的时刻，是我一辈子、是我妻子儿女一辈子不能忘记的时刻……
Qiu promoted a personal coterie and indulged in a vendetta against those who had made him suffer. In his old department alone, 462 subordinates were arrested and tortured; among their lesser torments were being forced to eat bread soaked in excrement, and being kicked in the genitals. Eight died.
邱会作再度掌权后，对整过他的人進行大肆报复，监禁刑讯了四百六十二人，虐待的花样中包括逼着受关押者吃浸透粪便的馒头、踢生殖器等。八人死亡。
Qiu was an example of a person who had become totally cynical, for reasons that went back much further than the Cultural Revolution, and related to the unscrupulous nature of the Party itself from the earliest days. On the eve of the Long March, he and several other Red Army youngsters, including one aged eleven, had been ordered to hide some Party documents, which they sealed and sank in a river tied to stones. As they were climbing back up the river bank, they found themselves staring into the gun-barrels of their own comrades who had been sent to eliminate them so that no trail would be left. Qiu only survived because of a chance intervention.
邱从小在“革命队伍”长大，看到过太多共产党的无情。长征前夕，他和几个孩子受命把党的文件捆成包，用布包好，用蜡封住，拴在石头上沉下鄂都河。当他们爬上岸时，发现等待他们的不是领导的夸奖，而是保卫部门黑洞洞的枪管。像无数向导和其他知情人一样，按规矩得杀了他们灭口。只因为某要人路过看见时讲情，他们才逃过了刀下鬼的命运。
Lin let Qiu and his other cronies wage their vendettas and build their own gangs as long as they obeyed him. Mao did the same with Lin. For a while, Mao tried to keep his own men in the army, and appointed one of his acolytes, General Yang Cheng-wu, as acting chief of staff. But Lin did not want General Yang on his back, and eventually got Mao to clap him in prison in March 1968. Mao even suspended the Military Council, the old supreme authority which he himself chaired. Mao retained just one vital veto: moving any force from battalion-strength up required his direct authorization.
林彪建立私家班子的胃口越来越大。毛曾派亲信杨成武当代理总参谋长、军委办事组组长。林彪要把杨成武拉入自己的圈子，不果，转而要搞掉杨。一九六八年三月，林彪迫使毛把杨投入监狱。同时身陷囹圄的还有空军政委余立金、北京卫戍区司令员傅崇碧。杨、余、傅的三个位子，都是林彪想要的，他换上了自己的人。毛甚至让中央军委常委也停止办公，所有元帅靠边站，停止接收文件，一切大权交到林彪手中。毛只保持一项最要紧的权：调动一个营以上的兵力要他的许可。
Lin installed a sidekick called Huang Yong-sheng to be army chief of staff. Huang was so junior that Mao could not even put a face to his name. A well-known womanizer, he soon became Mrs. Lin's lover. Ye Qun was a woman of voracious sexual appetite, for which she had little outlet with the clearly impotent marshal, whom she described as “a frozen corpse.” The relationship between her and her lover is revealed in a three-hour telephone conversation that was bugged.
林彪安插黄永胜当总参谋长。尽管黄是跟毛上井岗山的，毛连他的样子跟名字也对不上号。情场老手的黄，不久成了叶群的情夫。黄、叶之间的关系在一次长达三小时的电话中显露无遗。这次电话后来官方发表了录音，说是林彪的儿子林立果偷录的，但毛搞窃听的可能性不能排除。录音这样说：
YE QUN [YQ]: I am so worried you might get into trouble for pursuing physical satisfaction. I can tell you, this life of mine is linked with you, political life and personal life … Don't you know what 101 [Lin Biao's code name] is like at home? I live with his abuse … I can sense you value feelings … The country is big. Our children can each take up one key position! Am I not right?
叶：我再就是怕你追求生理上的满足闯出祸来。我跟你说，我这个生命同你联系在一起的，不管政治生命和个人生命。
HUANG: Yes, you are absolutely right.
……
YQ: … Our children put together, there must be five of them. They will be like five generals and will get on. Each will take one key position, and they can all be your assistants.
叶：我的孩子，还有新潮[吴法宪之子] ，我们的加在一起，至少有五个吧。五、六员大将，他们将来不会矛盾，一人把一个关口，也是你的助手嘛。
HUANG: Oh? I am so grateful to you!
黄：呃？太感激你了！
YQ: … I took that measure [implying contraceptive]. Just in case I have it and have to get rid of it [implying baby], I hope you will come and visit me once. [Sound of sobbing]
叶：在北戴河都没讲。而且我又采取了那个措施。万一要有[怀孕] ，如果弄掉的话，我希望你亲眼看我一次。 [哭声]
HUANG: I will come! I will come! Don't be like this. This makes me very sad.
黄：我一定来！一定来。你不要这样，这样我也难受。
YQ: Another thing: you mustn't be restricted by me. You can fool around … I'm not narrow-minded. You can have other women, and be hot with them. Don't worry about me …
叶：再就是你不要因我受拘束。你对周围的人，可以开开玩笑。我不能老陪着你，我这里也忙。我心中不狭窄，你跟别的女人，可以跟她们热一点，不要顾虑我，我甚至把她们当小妹妹一样。
HUANG: … I'm faithful to you alone.
黄：那我不赞成。我只忠于你一个。
YQ: If you fancy other women, that's all right. But just one thing. She must be absolutely tight-lipped. If she talks, and if I am implicated, there will be tragedy …
叶：你喜欢别人，也可以。但有一条，嘴巴要特别严。如果她讲出去，把我牵连上，那就会发生悲剧。我家也会发生悲剧。
HUANG [speechless] …
……
YQ: I feel that if we handle it well, it will be good for you, good for me … Do you believe this?
叶：我觉得我们要处理得好的话，对于你有好处，对我有好处，对于我们后代都有好处。你相信吗？
HUANG: I do! I do! I do!
黄：相信！相信！相信！
With this mixture of genuine personal feeling and bare-faced political calculation, the fate of the new chief of staff was bound up with that of the Lins.
既有炙热的真情，也有冷峻的政治打算，新总长的命运便跟林家拴在一起了。
Lin turned the air force into his main base. His lackey there made the Lins' 24-year-old son “Tiger” deputy chief of its war department and told the air force it “must report everything to [Tiger], and take orders from [Tiger].” Lin's daughter Dodo was made deputy editor of the air force paper.
林彪把空军建成他的基地。他的亲信把他二十四岁的儿子、小名“老虎”的林立果提拔为作战部副部长，向空军宣布林立果可以指挥空军的一切，调动空军的一切”。林的女儿豆豆当上了空军报副主编。
IN SUMMER 1967, dissatisfied with the army, Mao contemplated forming a kind of “storm trooper” force, composed of those Rebels whom he called “the Left.” After the Wuhan scare in July, in a vengeful mood, Mao incited “the Left” to stage assaults on other groups that he termed “the Conservatives.” When Mao fled to Shanghai, he got “the Left” there to attack the rival group. The result was the biggest single factional battle in Shanghai during the Cultural Revolution, which took place two weeks after Mao arrived. That day, 4 August, over 100,000 “Left” militants, armed with spears and iron bars, surrounded some 25,000 of their rivals in a factory by the sea, with the exit sealed off by the navy—a deployment inconceivable without Mao's orders. By the end of the day, over 900 people had been wounded, many of them crippled and some dying. Two helicopters filmed the scene—again impossible unless Mao gave the word—and a camera crew had set up in an ideal vantage point two days ahead. A 2½-hour documentary of the event was shown to organized crowds. Mao watched it in his villa. The man who led the attack, Wang Hong-wen, was subsequently promoted by Mao to be his national No. 3. “I've seen your film,” Mao told him, congratulating him on “winning a victory.”
在把军队交给林彪的前后，毛曾设想过建立“第二武装”，像纳粹冲锋队那样的队伍，由他称为“左派”的造反派组成，去打垮“保守派”。一九六七年“七·二0”武汉受惊后，毛满怀对“保守派”的痛恨飞到上海。八月四日，上海文革中最大的一场武斗发生。经过若干天组织准备的十多万“左派”，手持长矛铁棍，把两万五千名所谓“保守派”包围在黄浦江边的上海柴油机厂，冲進去一阵毒打，一天下来九百多人受伤，许多人落下终身残疾。为了防止被围的人逃掉，东海舰队派军舰堵在江口。要调动军舰，没有毛安排绝对不可能。武斗时有两架直升飞机在天上盘旋拍电影，摄影师们两天前就在现场架设了摄影机，最后拍成一部两个半小时的纪录片，“左派”有组织地看了，毛也在别墅里看了。他后来把指挥这场武斗的王洪文提拔为中国第三号人物，祝贺王说：“看了你们的电影，你们打了个胜仗。”
On the day of the battle, Mao gave orders to form his “storm troopers.” “Arm the Left,” he wrote to his wife, the leader of the Small Group. “Why can't we arm the Left? They [the Conservatives] beat us up, we can beat them up, too.”
“八·四”大武斗的当天，毛下令成立“第二武装”。他给江青写信，说要“武装左派”，“我们为什么不能武装左派？他们打我们，我们就可以打他们。”
But this order to distribute arms to civilians opened up a can of worms. While in some places, like Wuhan, the distinction between moderates and “the Left” was fairly clear, in many others even the most devoted Mao followers could not tell which group was more militant, as all the groups were vying to appear the most aggressive. Typical was Anhui province, where the two opposing blocs rejoiced in the ultra-political names of “Wonderful” and “Fart.” Because the former had got into the old government offices first, it declared that it had seized power from the capitalist-roaders, and proclaimed: “Our seizing power is wonderful.” The latter snorted: “ ‘Wonderful'? What a load of fart!”
发枪给平民这道命令给毛带来了他无法控制的大乱子。到底谁是“左派”是一笔搅不清的糊涂帐。没有哪派敢自称“保守派”。以安徽为例，那里的两派组织都说自己是“左派”， 都有响当当的革命名字：一派称“好派”， 因为他们宣布夺了省委的权，说他们的夺权“好得很”； 一派称“屁派”， 因为他们说对方的夺权“好个屁”。由于“左” 的标准含混不清，军队把枪发给他们认定的“左派”。另一派不服，便去夺枪，时有军内同情者暗中相助。于是大批人手中有了武器，真枪实弹的武斗蔓延开来，全国城镇变成了大大小小的内战战场。中共掌权近二十年来第一次有了失控的危险，第一次滑向无政府状态。
Neither in fact was more militant than the other; both were just competing to be incorporated into the new power structure. Lacking any criterion more precise than the ill-defined “militancy” towards capitalist-roaders, army units handed out weapons to whichever faction they decided was “the Left.” Other factions then raided arsenals to seize weapons for themselves, often with the collusion of their own sympathizers in the army. As a result, guns became widely available. Factional fighting escalated into mini–civil wars across China, involving practically all urban areas. The regime began sliding into something close to anarchy for the first time since taking power nearly two decades before.
Mao quickly realized that his “storm troopers” notion would not work everywhere. So, while he continued to build up a force of them 1 million strong in Shanghai, where he had particularly strict control, elsewhere he had to rescind his decree to “arm the Left,” and on 5 September ordered that all guns must be returned. However, those who had acquired them were often reluctant to give them up. More than a year later, Mao told Albania's defense minister that 360,000 weapons had been collected in Sichuan alone (a province of 70 million people), and a lot more were still out there. With guns now in unofficial hands, “bandits” appeared in remote areas.
毛不得不在九月五日下令全国各地收回已发枪支。但收枪不那么容易。他后来对阿尔巴尼亚国防部长说，四川省收缴了三十六万支枪，还有许多没收上的。民间有了枪，“土匪”悄悄出现在边远地带。
Mao had unleashed a dynamic that was undermining his own power. He had to abandon his attempt to identify factions as Left and Conservative, and called for all groups to unite. But his orders were ignored. Claiming that they were crushing “Conservatives,” young men, mostly, carried on fighting, finding it more fun than doing boring jobs.
除了在控制严密的上海组成一支装备了武器的上百万人的队伍外，毛放弃了在全国建立“第二武装”的设想。毛也只好停止划分“左派”、“保守派”，要各派团结起来。但各派都阳奉阴违，继续争权，武斗停不下来。
People stopped going to work. The economy was now seriously interrupted. Arms industries, even the nuclear program, were upset for the first time since the Cultural Revolution had started. An element of anarchy even crept into the Praetorian Guard. One of its members gave Mao's travel schedule to a student who fancied himself as a detective, who was able to tail Mao covertly. Although both were soon arrested, such a lapse in security had never happened before.
人们不上班了。经济遭到破坏。军事工业，甚至核武器工业，自文革以来第一次受到严重干扰。就连毛的个人安全也受影响。有个造反派学生想像自己是个侦探，在毛外巡时暗暗地尾随毛，从北京一直跟到杭州，消息来源是他在毛的保卫人员中的朋友。虽然两人都很快被发现关進监狱，但毛的安全工作还从来没有如此松懈过。
A YEAR LATER, in 1968, factional clashes with firearms had shown little sign of abating, despite a flood of commands from Peking. One man who was being conspicuously unruly was Kuai Da-fu, the Qinghua University student whom Mao had used to torment Liu Shao-chi and his wife. Kuai had by now become the most famous “leftist” in the country, and he was determined to bring his opponents in the university to their knees. He ignored repeated orders to stop, as he claimed that his rivals were “Conservatives,” and therefore fair game to beat up, in accordance with Mao's earlier directive. Mao had to step in personally to get him to toe the line, and simultaneously made an example of him to send a warning to the whole country that factional wars had to stop.
一年之后，不管北京怎样三令五申，武斗仍在進行。不听话的人中最知名的是蒯大富，他一心要把清华大学反对他的组织彻底打垮。无论上面怎样叫他住手，他也不听，说自己打的是“保守派”，按毛主席的指示该打。毛只好亲自出面制止他，同时也拿他做典型，警告全国大大小小的派系组织。
On 27 July, 40,000 unarmed workers were dispatched to Kuai's university to disarm his group. Not knowing that the order came from Mao, Kuai resisted, and his group killed five workers and wounded more than 700. Next day Kuai was summoned to the Great Hall of the People. There he was astonished to see Mao, flanked by all the top leaders. Kuai threw himself into Mao's arms—probably the only time an outsider ever did this—and sobbed his heart out. Mao, too, apparently cried, quite possibly out of frustration at his own inability to reconcile his impulses with his practical needs. The impulse side of Mao wanted the many “Conservatives” he knew were out there to be beaten to a pulp. But the practical side recognized that in his own interest he had to restore order. He told Kuai and the other top Rebel leaders present that he himself had been behind the disarming of Kuai's faction, and that if they, or anyone else, went on fighting, the army would “eliminate” them. Kuai and his colleagues signed a record of this message, which was made public.
一九六八年七月二十七日，四万名赤手空拳的工人派進清华收缴武器。蒯下令抵抗，五名工人被打死，七百多名被打伤。第二天，他应召去人民大会堂。完全出乎他的意料，毛泽东也在场。他一头扑在毛怀里号啕大哭，哭了好几分钟 -- 恐怕是破天荒头一个在毛怀里哭的外人。毛也哭了-- 感情、理智不能两全，他憋气。感情上毛恨不得把“保守派”全部打垮，但理智上毛为了政权不能不恢复秩序。他对蒯大富和其他在场的造反派学生领袖说，派工人去缴蒯大富的械是他的意思，要是有人不服，再继续武斗，就要由军队“包围起来”，“实行歼灭”。蒯等学生领袖都乖乖地保证回去照办。
Kuai was packed off to a plant in far Ningxia. All university student organizations were now disbanded, and the students put to work in ordinary jobs, with many dispersed to the hinterland. This diaspora was followed by that of well over 10 million middle-school pupils, who were scattered to villages and state farms across China. In the following years, over 16 million urban youth were rusticated—which was also a way of dealing with unemployment. This ended the era of the student Red Guards.
毛的讲话要点和学生领袖们的保证向全国公布。紧接着大学生们被分配到全国各地，学生组织就此解散。蒯被分到偏僻的宁夏当工人。随后，一千万中学生上山下乡。总共离开城市的有一千六百万青年，为毛政权解决了失业问题。中国的红卫兵运动也烟消云散。
But among non-student Rebel groups, sporadic mini–civil wars dragged on in many places. To stop them, a phantom conspiracy called “the May 16 Corps” was invented as a catch-all to condemn anyone who disobeyed orders. Kuai, who was nationally famous, was turned into its “chief” and detained. Altogether, under this rubric, a staggering 10 million Rebels were condemned, of whom 3.5 million were arrested.
在非学生的造反派中，武斗依然连绵不断。不听话的被一概打成“五一六”分子。蒯大富因为声名在外，被硬拉为“五一六总后台”，受到“隔离审查”的处置。因“五·一六”遭殃的造反派据估计上千万，其中三百五十万被关押。
STATE TERROR NOT ONLY hugely raised the level of violence, but was much more horrific than the factional fighting itself. The clearest illustration of this came in the southern province of Guangxi in summer 1968. There, one faction refused to recognize the authority of Mao's point man, General Wei Guo-qing (who had helped direct the climactic battle against the French at Dien Bien Phu in Vietnam in 1954). Wei was determined to use any degree of force to crush his opponents.
为了建立、巩固文革新政权，中共国家机器制造的暴力，其程度远超过派系之间的武斗。这一事实再清楚不过地表现在一九六八年夏的广西省。那里毛任命的第一把手韦国清将军，不惜动用机关枪、迫击炮和大炮，镇压反对他的人。
This involved not only using machine-guns, mortars and artillery, but also inciting gruesome murders of large numbers of people designated by the regime as “class enemies.” As the boss of Binyang County, an army officer, told his subordinates: “I'm now going to reveal the bottom line to you: in this campaign, we must put to death about one-third or a quarter of the class enemies by bludgeoning or stoning.” Killing by straightforward execution was rated not frightening enough: “It's OK to execute a few to start with, but we must guide people to use fists, stones and clubs. Only this way can we educate the masses.” Over a period of eleven days after the order was given, between 26 July and 6 August 1968, 3,681 people in this county were beaten to death, many in ghastly ways; by comparison, the death toll in the previous two years of the Cultural Revolution had been “only” 68. This bout of killing claimed some 100,000 lives in the province.
广西全省刮起了“红色恐怖”风暴。宾阳县的新当权者、六九四九部队副师长传达上面的指示说：简单的枪毙不足以吓人，“当运动起来，积极分子开始用枪杀几个问题不大，但我们要引导用拳头、石头、木棍打，这样才教育群众”。“现在告诉你们一些底：这次运动要对敌人砸死的大约三分之一或四分之一。”就这样，从七月二十六日到八月六日的十一天内，全县被残忍杀害的“阶级敌人”达三千六百八十一人。与之相比，文革头两年，被打死或迫害致死的“只有”六十八人。在这场风暴中，广西死了大约十万人。
The authorities staged “model demonstrations of killing” to show people how to apply maximum cruelty, and in some cases police supervised the killings. In the general atmosphere of fostered cruelty, cannibalism broke out in many parts of the province, the best-known being the county of Wuxuan, where a post-Mao official investigation (in 1983, promptly halted and its findings suppressed) produced a list of 76 names of victims. The practice of cannibalism usually started with the Maoist staple, “denunciation rallies.” Victims were slaughtered immediately afterwards, and choice parts of their bodies—hearts, livers and sometimes penises—were excised, often before the victims were dead, and cooked on the spot to be eaten in what were called at the time “human flesh banquets.”
当局组织了“杀人样板会”，教人怎样行凶，有些地方，政法干部亲自示范。就是在这种滥打狂杀的空气中，广西吃人成风。最有名的武宣县，毛死后的官方调查于一九八三年登记了有名在案的七十六个牺牲品。吃人往往发生在批斗大会后，被斗者被立即处死，身体上那些据说好吃的部分，如心、肝、生殖器，在人还没完全死去时割下来当场烹调，摆所谓“人肉宴席”。
Guangxi is the region with perhaps the most picturesque landscape in China: exquisite hills rising and falling over crystal-clear waters in which the peaks look as real as they do above. It was against these heavenly double silhouettes, by the purest rivers, that these “human flesh banquets” were laid out.
一个叫邓记芳的农民，唯一的罪名是地主的儿子。在清澈纯净的滩江水畔，他被五、六个人用松枝压住手脚，一人用菜刀把胸膛剖开，掏出心肝切细由众人分享。
An 86-year-old peasant who, in broad daylight, had slit open the chest of a boy whose only crime was to be the son of a former landlord, showed how people had no trouble finding justifications for their actions in Mao's words. “Yes, I killed him,” he told an investigative writer later. “The person I killed is an enemy … Ha, ha! I make revolution, and my heart is red! Didn't Chairman Mao say: It's either we kill them, or they kill us? You die and I live, this is class struggle!”
开膛的凶手在作家郑义访问时已八十六岁了，他豪气十足地说：“是我杀的，谁来问也是这个话。……不怕！那么多群众支持，杀的又是坏人，不怕！……冤鬼报仇？哈哈，干革命，心红红的！毛主席不是说：不是我们杀了他们，就是他们来杀了我们！你死我活，阶级斗争！”
STATE-SPONSORED KILLINGS reached their extreme in every province in 1968. That year was dominated by a mammoth campaign called “Sort Out Class Ranks.” The aim of this drive was to make an inventory of every single “class enemy” in the entire population, and to impose various punishments on them, including execution. So all the victims from both before and during the Cultural Revolution were dragged out and persecuted again. In addition, the regime set out to uncover new enemies by scrutinizing the history and conduct of every adult in the nation, and looking into every unsolved suspicion. The number of labels for official outcasts ran to as many as twenty-three, and the number of people persecuted amounted to many tens of millions—more than ever before.
全国上下建立新政权的一九六八年，是文革大屠杀登峰造极的一年。那年毛搞了个“清理阶级队伍”运动，要把全国所有的成年人全部审查一遍，造一个大“另册”， 把新、老“阶级敌人”全部放進去，对他们加以不同惩处。“阶级敌人”类别多达二十三种，挨整的达数千万，比以往任何运动迫害的人都多。
An eyewitness described how the new boss of Anhui province, an army general, made decisions about executions. Flipping languidly through a list of “counter-revolutionaries” presented to him by the police, he paused every now and then, and raised his voice in a quintessentially official inflection (drawing on the end of a sentence in a pinched nasal tone, sounding rather bored): “Are you still keeping this one? Might as well kill him.” “What about this one? Mm—finish her off.” Then he asked how many people the provinces next to his planned to execute: “How many is Jiangsu killing this month? And how many is Zhejiang?” When told, he said: “Let's take the average between the two.” People were executed accordingly.
一个目击者看到安徽当时的头面人物是怎样决定谁应该被枪毙的。他懒洋洋地随手翻着公安部门每月上报的可杀的“反革命”花名册，不时打着官腔说：“这个还留着吗？杀了算了。”又翻一页：“这个呢，也杀了吧。”他问身边人：“这个月江苏杀多少？浙江？”身边人回答后，他说：“我们杀个中等数吧。”人的生命便结束在这官腔的尾音下。
One of the worst-ravaged provinces was Inner Mongolia, where Mao harbored suspicions about a plot to detach the province and link it up with Outer Mongolia and the Russians. The new boss there, General Teng Hai-qing, vigorously investigated this suspicion of Mao's, using torture on a large scale. According to post-Mao revelations, cases included a Muslim woman having her teeth pulled out by pliers, then her nose and ears twisted off, before being hacked to death. Another woman was raped with a pole (she then committed suicide). One man had nails driven into his skull. Another had his tongue cut out and then his eyes gouged out. Another was beaten with clubs on the genitals before having gunpowder forced up his nostrils and set alight. Post-Mao official figures revealed that over 346,000 people were condemned and 16,222 died as a result in this one case. The number of people in the province who “suffered” in some way was later officially put at over 1 million—of whom 75 percent were ethnic Mongols.
受害最深的省分之一是内蒙古。毛很早就怀疑有人要把内蒙分裂出去，跟外蒙古合并。那里的负责人滕海清将军为此搞了场大清查。根据毛死后的官方调查，被清查的人，有被头顶上钉钉子的，有被割舌头挖眼睛的，有被鼻孔里塞上火药点着火的，有妇女被用棍子强奸的。一个叫金雪云的回族女干部，被凶手们用铁钳将牙齿一颗颗拔掉，又把鼻子耳朵拧掉，然后打死。在这次清查中，根据官方的数字，三十四万六千多人遭到残酷迫害，一万六千二百二十二人致死。受牵连的高达一百万人，百分之七十五是蒙古族人。
Another province that went through great trauma was Yunnan, in the southwest, where (according to official figures) in one trumped-up case alone nearly 1,400,000 people were persecuted under the new provincial boss, General Tan Fu-ren. Seventeen thousand of them were either executed or beaten to death, or driven to suicide.
另一个惨遭不幸的是云南。文革前的省委书记赵建民曾积极反对毛饿死人的政策，支持刘少奇，于是有了子虚乌有的“赵建民特务案”。仅此一案，根据官方数字，将近一百四十万人受到审查，打死逼死一万七千多人。
In a rare dramatic example of how those who rule by the sword can be felled by the sword, General Tan himself was assassinated in December 1970, making him the highest official ever to have died this way in Mao's China, where assassinations were extremely rare. The shooter was an HQ staff officer called Wang Zi-zheng, who actually held no personal grudge against General Tan. It was Mao's regime he hated. Back in 1947, he had been involved with an anti-Communist force that had shot dead a Communist militia chief. He had then escaped. Now, over two decades later, his home village had started a manhunt for him. Even though he was more than a thousand miles away and had changed his name, he was found and detained in April 1970. Knowing what his fate was likely to be, he decided he would try to kill General Tan, who was not only the biggest VIP around, but was doing terrible things to Yunnan. One night, the staff officer escaped from detention, went home to say goodbye to his wife and son, stole two pistols and twenty bullets from the HQ, where they were locked in a safe (as always), climbed into General Tan's house and shot him dead. When his pursuers came for him, this unique avenger shot and wounded two of them before turning the gun on himself.
云南新当权者谭甫仁将军，自己于一九七0年十二月被人枪杀，是毛统治下被刺杀的最高级官员。在毛的中国，刺杀极其罕见。刺客叫王自正，是军区保卫部保密员。他跟谭个人无冤无仇，恨的是中共政权。早在一九四七年，他在河南家乡参加了一支国民党武装，那支武装枪杀了当地一名共产党村干部。时隔二十年，在“清理阶级队伍”中，他家乡的村民写信给当局检举他。尽管他早已隐姓埋名，远走他乡，尽管中国是如此之大，他个人是如此之小，他还是在一九七0年四月被查出来，拘留审查。他知道等待他的命运是什么，在日记里写道：“不是死刑，也要劳改终身。我的老婆孩子也得受牵连”。他决心杀掉当地的最大人物谭甫仁，要的是“影响更大，发泄心头之恨”。一天夜间，他设法逃出关押地，先溜回家向爱妻告别，再潜入军区大院保密室，用他知道的密码销号码开了保险柜，偷了里面的两支手枪和二十发子弹，然后翻墙進入谭的住地行剌成功。当抓他的人来到他面前时，这个独特的复仇者开枪打伤两人后举枪自杀。
BY EARLY 1969 Mao's new power apparatus was secured. In April he convened a Party Congress, the 9th, to formalize his reconstructed regime.
一九六九年四月，大换班后的新政权由中共“九大”正式确立。
The previous congress had been in 1956. Although the Party charter stipulated one every five years, Mao had held off letting this one convene for thirteen years, until he felt that all opposition had been thoroughly purged.
“八大”是一九五六年开的，尽管党章规定每五年开一次党代表大会，毛拖了十三年，把所有反对他的人都清洗干净了，才放心地开了会。
The new delegates were selected exclusively for their loyalty to Mao, and the yardstick of loyalty was how cruel and harsh they had been to Mao's enemies. Inside the congress hall, where no such enemies were present, they tried to demonstrate their fealty by jumping up incessantly, shouting slogans such as “Long live Chairman Mao!” while Mao was speaking. It took Mao twenty minutes to get through two pages of his opening address. This farce was not something he wanted from his top echelon, which was meant to be a practical machine. He looked irritated, and cut short his speech. After the session, he had the congress secretariat issue rules banning unscheduled slogan chanting.
当“九大”代表的标准是“忠于毛主席”，表现方式是“对敌斗争狠”。“九大”的会场人民大会堂里没有阶级敌人，代表们就用争先恐后跳起来呼喊“毛主席万岁”来表示忠心，在毛讲话时尤其热闹。短短六百四十九字，不到两页纸，毛足足念了二十多分钟，大部分时间被冲他欢呼的口号淹没。这样的闹剧并不是毛期待的，他要的是这些人有效率地替他干事。毛逐渐显得不耐烦了，最后草草打住。事后他要大会秘书处对喊口号的时机、内容及领喊人员做出严格规定。
The core leadership under Mao now consisted of Lin Biao, Chou En-lai and two chiefs of the Small Group: Chen Bo-da and Kang Sheng.
“九大”的政治局常委除毛以外有林彪、周恩来、陈伯达，康生。
The Small Group, Mao's office dealing with the Cultural Revolution, was wound up. Mme Mao was brought into the Politburo. So were Lin Biao's wife and his main cronies, such as army chief of staff (and Lin's wife's lover) Huang Yong-sheng. In the Central Committee, 81 percent of the members were new, and nearly half the new intake were army men, including the generals who had presided over the atrocities in Guangxi, Yunnan and Inner Mongolia. Lin himself collected the ultimate prize of being written into the Party charter as Mao's No. 2 and successor, an unprecedented badge of power and glory.
“中央文革”这时停止活动，江青進了政治局。同时進政治局的还有叶群及林彪的亲信们，包括总参谋长黄永胜。百分之八十一的中央委员是新人，其中将近一半来自军队，广西、云南、内蒙古的新当权者都在内。林彪本人被史无前例地写進党章，称作毛的“亲密战友和接班人”。
Mao had completed his Great Purge, though this did not mean that killings ceased. In the ten years from when Mao started the Purge until his death in 1976, at least 3 million people died violent deaths, and post-Mao leaders acknowledged that 100 million people, one-ninth of the entire population, suffered in one way or another. The killings were sponsored by the state. Only a small percentage was at the hands of Red Guards. Most were the direct work of Mao's reconstructed regime.
大清洗就此结尾。但杀人仍以各种名目继续進行。从一九六六年到一九七六年毛去世，起码有三百万人死于非命。一九七八年十二月十三日，中共领导叶剑英在中央工作会议上说，文革“包括受牵连的在内，受害的有上亿人，占全国人口的九分之一”。住。